What is the First Line of Colombia?
Por La Marx International
The First Line is a self-organized self-defense organization that emerged in the development of the Colombian Revolution developed between the years 2019 and 2021. It is a self-convened self-determination organization independent of the capitalist state and the political parties of the regime that is essentially developed by young people. coming from humble neighborhoods, from among the most oppressed sectors of Colombia.
The young people were forced to appeal to this type of self-organization and self-defense in order to protect the right to demonstrate, permanently attacked by the forces of repression, and above all by one of the most important and dangerous forces existing in the capitalist state of Colombia, called the ESMAD (Mobile Anti-Riot Squadron)
The Revolution that occurred in Colombia between the years 2019-2021 was a classic February Revolution in the definition of the Trotskyist leader Nahuel Moreno that we make our own in La Marx International. This revolution put an end to the regime called "Uribism" that characterized the last 20 years of the political regime of capitalist Colombia. A political regime characterized by direct interference and manipulation of all Colombian capitalist governments carried out by the leader Álvaro Uribe, who associated with United States imperialism, controlled all governments, presidents, officials, and built a deeply reactionary regime based on repression of paramilitary bodies that murdered, tortured and massacred thousands of social, union, peasant, and popular leaders in the country.
The Colombian Revolution of the years 2019-2021 ended with Uribism. The Revolution began with mobilizations that took place on November 21, 2019, called by different social organizations grouped in the National Strike Committee (CNP) made up of the Colombian Association of Student Representatives (ACREES), the National Union of Education Students Superior (UNEES), the Unitary Central of Workers (CUT), the National Confederation of Labor (CGT), the Confederation of Colombian Workers, the Confederation of Pensioners of Colombia (CPC), the Colombian Federation of Education Workers (Fecode) , in addition to social movements such as the Congress of the People; etc., among others.
Indigenous sectors such as the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC), the Cauca Regional Indigenous Council (CRIC), the Indigenous Authorities of the Colombian South West (AISO) and various popular organizations also joined the strike. The government of Iván Duque, a typical government of the "Uribista" regime, carried out a brutal attack in the rural area of San Vicente del Caguán where eight minors who were presented to public opinion as members of an insurgent group were murdered.
But it soon came to light that the information was false, and the 8 minors were innocent, unjustly murdered. The massacres were part of the actions of the military commanders against the indigenous communities of Cauca, which caused the suspension of the dialogue tables that had been set up between the government and the organizations of Cauca. In turn, this led indigenous organizations to announce support for the national strike on November 21 called by workers' unions, students, and other social organizations.
On November 6, Defense Minister Guillermo Botero fell and the crisis of Iván Duque's government, which had been in office for a little over a year, began . The backdrop of the political crisis is the extreme inequality of capitalist Colombia. According to data from the World Bank, Colombia was the second most unequal country in Latin America and the seventh in the world with millions of people below the poverty line, while 9 families and economic groups appropriate the country's wealth, which worsens inequality between the richest and the poor.
The Revolution begins
The Duque government responded by giving the order to close border entries on November 21, including land crossings with Ecuador and Venezuela, as well as river crossings with Brazil and Peru, in a total of 12 points under the argument that it was to "guarantee the "total normality . " The Cali mayor's office led by Maurice Armitage declared a curfew, but these measures could not prevent the mobilizations and actions of the people from beginning, which led President Iván Duque to create a separate Table with the CNP.
On November 22, a day of cacerolazos was called in the main cities of the country, Plaza de Bolívar, and they also took place in Amsterdam, London, Berlin and Sydney, among other cities in the world, in which Colombians who live in the experior joined the protests.
On November 23, 2019, the 3rd day of protests in Bogotá, a peaceful demonstration was held towards the Plaza de Bolívar in Bogotá in the afternoon, which was interrupted by the actions of ESMAD in which an 18-year-old young man named Dylan Cruz was hit in the head by a projectile fired by an ESMAD agent, causing head trauma.
The young man died three days later after remaining in intensive care at the San Ignacio University Hospital. After Dylan's death the country exploded. His death led to the demand for the dissolution of ESMAD and the purge of the National Police of those allegedly responsible. Dylan's death led to sectors beginning to demand the resignation of Iván Duque and his entire cabinet from the presidency. The National Strike Committee demanded the end of the economic measures of Duque's government that sought to consolidate and defend the wealth of the capitalist oligarchy that dominates Colombia.
Among these demands was the repeal of Decree 2111 of 2019, by which the Financial Holding was created that ensured financing and credits with state funds for the richest, bankers, and capitalist oligarchs. The Unemployment Committee also demanded the repeal of measures that affected job stability, the reform of the Pension System, labor reforms, and any measure that means a process of privatization or alienation of State assets.
During the night, more than ten cacerolazos were fired blocking some of the city's main roads and Transmilenio portals, and in the following days thousands took to the streets in all the cities of the country. The forcefulness of the mobilization led Luribism to withdraw an article from a bill to reform the labor system that intended to allow the possibility of hourly contracts. But the protests continued in Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Barranquilla, Bucaramanga, and on December 1, the " Cacerolazo Continental" , the "Cacerolazo Andino" were held at the same time that popular assemblies began in neighborhoods of Bogotá.
On December 6 and 7, 2019, the National Assembly was held in Bogotá, on December 8, 2019, the so-called "Concert of the Strike" or "A Song for Colombia" was held in Bogotá on December 8 in the Simón Bolívar Park. The mobilizations became daily with sit-ins throughout December 2019, one month after Dylan's murder, and a tribute was held in his memory, with street blockades in Bogotá.
Throughout the month of January, the cacerolazos, sit-ins, and roadblocks continued in the main cities with clashes with the ESMAD and the public force, while in February marches by teachers and university students were held. But in March 2020, the strike calls were suspended due to the health emergency caused by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. The mobilizations were restarted on September 9 and 10, 2020 when the murder of Javier Ordóñez occurred, which caused new demonstrations against police violence and for economic solutions during the pandemic.
On October 10, 2020, an indigenous Minga traveled the route between Cauca and Bogotá, where she arrived on October 18. This coincided with the call by the union centers for a National Strike on October 21, along with a large demonstration in the capital of the Republic with the participation of the Minga. The next day the Misak indigenous people occupied the El Dorado International Airport for 7 hours. But on November 22, Juan David Rojas died in the Bosa El Recreo neighborhood of Bogotá as a result of repression, while the clashes with ESMAD continued .
By December 1, 2020, approximately 769 injuries were reported in the protests and the persecutions and captures of activists began with more than 100 arrested, 250 injured and 6 dead. For the year 2021, the process of mobilizations that took place indefinitely since April 28, 2021 was resumed , and were called again by the CNP following the announcement by the Duque government of the tax reform called by the government as " Sustainable Solidarity Law"
This law proposed increasing taxes on the middle class, taxing the family basket with the Value Added Tax (VAT), affecting basic necessities, and basic public services (water, electricity, natural gas, public telephone services). funerals and other services which allowed the government to collect 23 billion Colombian pesos corresponding to US$ 6.3 billion dollars.
This entire Tax Reform Bill taxed products from the family basket with VAT, which constituted a brutal attack on the living conditions of the poorest. Another fundamental democratic problem of Uribism is the case of the so-called "False Positives." These are extrajudicial executions that total 6,402 cases that the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) estimates occurred during the government of Álvaro Uribe Vélez only between the years 2002/2010. They are deaths carried out by the Army and illegitimately presented by the State as casualties in combat against the guerrilla insurgency. To this question of "False Positives" was added the brpolice utility carried out by the National Police, and especially the Mobile Anti-Riot Squad (ESMAD). In response to the brutality, the First Line process developed and began to organize.
The First Line Emerges
As explained by Sergio Andrés Pastor Gonzalez, popularly known as "19" , one of the most important leaders of the First Line , the "First Lines" mobilizations in Bogotá, Cali and other cities began to confront abuses of authority, shootings, rapes. to the Human Rights of ESMAD and the repressive institutions. During May 6 and 10, 2021, mobilizations, protests, sit-ins, demolition of statues, and blockades on roads in the country such as the Bogotá-Villavicencio highway, among others, continued. During the weekend, Colombians living abroad gathered in support of the strike while from May 11 to 15 the entire process of mobilizations deepened.
Thousands of young people organized themselves in the self-convocation process that initially had the objective of carrying out self-defense against brutal repression, but began to develop as organizations of self-determination and coordination of the struggle that spread nationally. The First Lines began to unite unions, students, social organizations and began to evolve towards forms of dual power to the extent that Open Councils of deliberation began to be established in an increasingly autonomous manner, and independent of the state and political parties, in addition to all the organizations that constituted the Strike Committee.
The power that the First Lines achieved made the government try to establish a Dialogue Table with its leaders. The young people set up permanent camps, and began to establish self-defense organizations with elements such as shields, helmets, gas masks, and all kinds of supplies that would allow them to resist the ESMAD attacks.
On June 13, 2021, the Monument to the Resistance was inaugurated in Cali to honor all those who died during the days of the National Strike. Around mid-June 2021, the union bureaucracy among the leaders of the National Strike Committee decided to temporarily suspend the mobilizations, but the actions, sit-ins, roadblocks and struggles continued in open rebellion with the decisions of the National Strike Committee.
At the same time, the entire revolutionary process that was developing in Colombia was part of the second global revolutionary wave that had begun in 2019 with the development of the Yellow Vest process in France, Black Lives Matter in the United States, the struggle in Hong Kong against the Carrie Lam regime, the Revolution in Chile called "Chile woke up", the mobilization processes in Iran, Iraq, Lebanon and the beginning of the 3rd Palestinian Intifada within Israel, among other of the most notable processes. Precisely in all these processes of February revolutions, processes of self-determination, self-organization, and self-defense were also developed.
The name First Line arose as inspiration from the First Line process that was being developed in Chile. "19" himself commented that the process of self-organization of the young people of Ukraine in the Maidan Square Revolution of 2014 had been an inspiration. The revolutionary processes fed each other and were inspired by the data and stories from social networks that allow that young people quickly exchange revolutionary experiences, beyond borders, language differences, and culture.
Above from left to right: The Front Line in the United States with the Black Lives Matter Movement in 2021, the Front Line in Chile in 2019, the Front Line in Hong Kong in 2020, the Front Line in Kiev in 2014. Below images of the First Line in Colombia in 2021
The Marxist evaluation of the phenomenon of the First Line of Colombia necessarily includes the international analysis of the framework of the revolutionary processes that were developing around the world as part of the 2nd global revolutionary wave against capitalism, the context in which the Colombian revolution developed. . A fundamental element of the First Line is that it is led and promoted by the poorest and most oppressed sectors of youth. This is what happened in the revolutionary processes of Colombia and Chile led by young people from the most humble neighborhoods, as well as young black people in the United States, or young people from countries that suffer national oppression such as Ukraine.
The phenomenon of the Front Lines is not a phenomenon of the most affluent sectors of youth, it does not arise from universities, nor in academic circles. For example, Sergio Andrés Pastor González, one of the most important leaders of the First Line of Colombia, is known as "19" because he comes from "zone 19" of Bogotá, one of the areas of the most humble and poor neighborhoods of Bogotá, the capital of Colombia.
Among the youth sectors of the petty bourgeoisie and upper middle class, the trends are towards intellectual debate, "progressivism" and reformism whose maximum leftist expression is to show a certain nostalgia for the Soviet Union or Stalinism. On the other hand, in the sectors of the poorest youth who are the majority, the process is the opposite: It goes against all the apparatuses, it is a rejection of bourgeois democracy, reformism, Stalinism, and the state that expresses itself in an open process of self-organization in a more direct and revolutionary way. Only within the framework of this internationalist analysis can the scope and depth of the Front Line phenomenon be understood.
The Colombian Revolution put an end to Uribism
For July 20, 2021, Colombian Independence Day, the CNP once again called for mobilization and demonstrations throughout the country. On July 28, 2021, marches were held nationwide commemorating three months of the beginning of the National Strike. That same day, Sergio Andrés Pastor González, popularly known as "19" , one of the most important leaders of the First Line nationwide. and on August 7, the mobilizations produced strong clashes between ESMAD and the First Line in different locations in the country.On August 23, in the La Pamba neighborhood in Popayán, Esteban Mosquera was murdered: student leader, music student at the University of Cauca and popular communicator, who participated and was active in the protests for the 2021 Colombian tax reform.
On August 26, a new day of protests was organized nationally in the country, and in September protests were held in Bogotá and Medellín in commemoration of the murder of Javier Ordóñez, in addition to marches and protests being recorded nationwide. The mobilizations reached a peak around October 20, 2021 in the main cities of the country, but the government of Iván Duque continued to violate democratic rights and guarantees in defense of the Uribista regime.
Even imperialist-backed human rights organizations such as the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights were forced to file protests. Between December 9 and 10, 2021, the indigenous Minga of Cauca arrived in Cali, while the Christmas and New Year holidays were involved in the process of national struggle: On December 28, protests occurred in Bogotá, in the Portal of the Americas, and in January 2022 there were mobilizations in Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Pereira and Bucaramanga.
In February, a new national day of mobilizations broke out on February 9, 2022, called by the CNP, which caused congestion on the roads of the main cities in the country. In March, April and May the CNP called demonstrations, and despite the fact that on May 1 the CNP called demonstrations to mark one year of uninterrupted struggle, the people made their own mobilizations rebelling against the union bureaucracy on April 28, the true date of the beginning of the 2nd part of the revolution.
At that time the Uribista regime, the so-called "Uribismo"It had been liquidated, it was in ruins. The powerful mobilization of the mass movement and the people that had developed in the country had completely destroyed it. This entire revolutionary process of mobilization was of a historical nature, because never in the history of Colombia had it happened that strikes, mobilizations, and struggles took place for practically 2 years, only interrupted by the outbreak of COVID, which in any case were resumed in the 2021. The Uribista political leaders, including President Iván Duque, were repudiated, booed in the streets, they could no longer appear publicly without massive repudiation and rejection being felt on them. ESMAD and the Armed Forces were also repudiated, which endangered the Colombian capitalist state.
Faced with the end of "Uribism" and the imminence of the 2022 elections, the Colombian ruling classes, imperialism, the Church, the traitor leaderships of the mass movement such as the union bureaucracy, the leaders of the CNP, and the Communist Party began to agree on a negotiated exit from the Uribista regime, to prevent the revolution from ending capitalism in Colombia.
This is how they negotiated to take the entire revolutionary process towards elections, seeking to channel discontent towards bourgeois democracy, promoting Gustavo Petro and the so-called " Historical Pact" as a way out of the political regime to save what was left of the Colombian capitalist state. Once the old Uribista regime was destroyed, they had to channel the entire mobilization process towards elections to avoid the development of revolutionary currents that would question capitalist Colombia.
Gustavo Petro and the Historical Pact: Lifesaver of Colombian capitalism
" Uribismo" until the end of its days tried to stigmatize social protest by treating those who participated in the demonstrations as "criminals" , while unleashing brutal repression with chilling data. As "19" explains in the report given to Greta Roquero and published in @Revolución : "But why don't they really tell the numbers? More than 400 victims died. More than 450 missing men and women. More than 120 girls raped by the police, by ESMAD. More than 240 eye losses of many young women and men who cannot return to having a normal life, lost their sight. And the more than 347 political prisoners who are here for having taken to the streets, to fight for something so absurd that for many it was, but for us it is very valuable, and it was fighting against Uribism..."
The Colombian ruling classes, imperialism, the Church, the counterrevolutionary leaderships of the mass movement were able to divert the revolutionary process and channel it through electoral means because they counted in their favor on the nonexistence of a revolutionary leadership that advocated ending the government of Iván Duque. and fight for a workers' and popular government. With the masses in the streets, the Uribista regime in ruins, the development of self-organization and self-defense organizations deployed throughout the country, the working class with its union organizations of the Strike Committee in the streets, added to the popular student organizations and united peasants, the Colombian revolution was putting the end of capitalist Colombia on the agenda.
"19" and the leaders of the First Line
The revolution had clearly raised the need to fight for the establishment of a workers' and popular government that would begin the construction of a Socialist Colombia. But no party, no left-wing organization in the country, not the Communist Party, nor any other proposed this solution. This "vacuum of revolutionary leadership" gave space and time to the Colombian ruling classes to divert the process.
All the leaders of the union, popular, social organizations, and the left proposed supporting the capitalist coalition "Historical Pact" and the "progressive" bourgeoisie , working to save Colombian capitalism. This left the workers, and the people of Colombia, without alternatives.
Gustavo Petro is part of the Progressive International (PI), an international organization promoted by sectors of United States imperialism . IP is headed by Bernie Sanders, senator of the Democratic Party, currently in the imperialist government of Joe Biden in the United States, and Yanis Varoufalis of the capitalist Syriza Coalition who governed Greece defending capitalism. The IP carries out throughout the world a policy of containment and deception of the revolutions that confront capitalism, proposing that it is possible to build a "human and progressive capitalism."
The IP leaders lie to the people. There is not the slightest possibility of a "human" or "progressive" capitalism because the Global Corporations, the multinationals and the oligarchy of the 1% of Wall Street that dominates the world are not "human", nor "progressive" , quite the opposite. . Every day they plunge billions into hunger and poverty, destroy nature, sow terrible conditions for millions of human beings that facilitate pandemics. Global inequality and the cruelty of capitalism occur at the same time that the handful of the richest receive millions of dollars from governments in subsidies and bailouts.
The "Historical Pact" was formed as a capitalist coalition that brings together political forces such as the Communist Party of Colombia, even members of the former Colombian guerrillas, and from there old conservative caciques of Uribism who became "Petrist" such as Temístocles Ortega, member of the traditional right-wing party in Colombia Cambio Radical, a figure related to serious cases of corruption, money laundering and embezzlement related to the pharmaceutical and hospital industry.
The Historical Pact also included other capitalist and Uribist sectors such as Luis Pérez, a former governor of Antioquia from the reactionary Liberal Party, Roy Barreras, a senator from the bourgeois Party of the U, or César Gaviria, former president of Colombia for the party of the Liberal Party, to give just a few examples. Many "rats that fled" from the sunken ship of Uribism found refuge in the " progressivism" of the Historical Pact.
At the same time that the ruling classes, the Church and the counterrevolutionary leaderships diverted the entire revolution towards elections, they attacked and criminalized any attempt at revolutionary development that could occur. They had already arrested "19" and several members of the First Line, but in the week before the Second Round of the presidential elections, the Attorney General's Office captured and prosecuted 32 members of the First Line in Bogotá, Medellín, Cali and Bucaramanga, accusing them of crimes such as attempted homicide, kidnapping, torture, terrorism, manufacture or possession of narcotics, use or throwing of dangerous substances or objects, obstruction of public roads, violence against public servants, damage to other people's property and conspiracy to commit a crime. , among others.
All charges were invented to criminalize young people and threaten them so that they would not follow the revolutionary path of organizing uprisings against the regime. The Uribista Attorney General Francisco Barbosa carried out an offensive against the young people with the aim of erasing all attempts at revolutionary development in Colombia, with which the regime carried out a pincer job against the people by offering them, on the one hand, the " carrot " of the elections, and on the other hand the "stick" to the Front Lines.
The entire left of Colombia joined the "electoral farce" and betrayed the people of Colombia, refusing to fight for an independent solution to the ruling classes. This policy was carried out by organizations such as the Communist Party of Colombia, which placed its candidates as officials of the Historical Pact, to the PST of Colombia, a Trotskyist group member of the LIT that had been founded 30 years earlier by Nahuel Moreno, who betrayed the Colombian people, Marxism and Nahuel Moreno campaigning and gathering signatures for Francia Marquez, thus supporting the lifeline of Colombian capitalism.
In the first round of the Colombian presidential election held on May 29, 2022, the candidate of the Historical Pact Gustavo Petro triumphed. But the echoes of the revolution resonated everywhere and were evident even in the numbers of the election itself.
In the 1st round of the elections, out of a total of 39 million people eligible to vote, only 54% of the population turned out to vote and more than half a million people who went to vote did so blank or void. Therefore, half of the population did not vote for any of the candidates and did not buy the story of capitalist "democracy. "
The Historical Pact obtained 8 and a half million votes, that is, despite the maneuvers, the propaganda, and the support of the entire left, only 22% of the population voted for Petro. The "Uribismo" candidates in their different variants directly disappeared, obtaining poor figures between 15% and 4%, something that Álvaro Uribe never thought would happen, not even in his worst nightmares. The changes in Colombia's political regime were enormous, and the revolution left its mark on the country's political regime as all revolutions do.
On the one hand, Colombia had a Liberal/Conservative two-party system throughout the 20th century, and then Uribism between 2002 and 2022. Now, the revolution had erased the two-party system, and Uribism, from the map. But what ended up common to Uribism in Colombia was not the election of Petro, nor the Historical Pact, but the enormous mobilization and struggle of the people that took more than two years. What Petro and the Historical Pact represent is the bourgeois response to that revolution, a classic Popular Front government, with the Communist Party occupying the Ministry of Labor headed by Gloria Inés Ramírez Ríos. León Trotsky made it very clear what the policy of the revolutionaries should be towards the governments of the "Popular Front"like Petro's: No support for this government, permanent unmasking of its lies that seek to "numb" the revolution and take it to the field of Parliament, the jurists, the palaces and interests of the dominant classes.
Trotsky was very clear in his definition of Popular Front governments, in this case the Popular Front government of France in 1936: "The "Popular Front" is a coalition of the proletariat with the imperialist bourgeoisie, represented by the Radical Party and others. rots of the same kind and smaller magnitude. The coalition extends to the parliamentary terrain... The condition for the victory of the proletariat is The liquidation of the current leadership. The slogan of "unity" becomes in these conditions, no longer a stupidity, but in a crime. No unity with the agents of French imperialism and the League of Nations" ("Popular Front and Action Committees" León Trotsky- 1935).
The leader of the Russian revolution had learned these lessons from Lenin who, when he arrived in Russia in 1917 after the fall of the Tsar, got on the locomotive that brought him from exile and shouted with all his might: No support for the Provisional Government! !. The entire reformist left in Russia was supporting the Provisional Government, and Lenin's words at the Petrograd train station stunned them. But precisely, this is the difference between the reformists and the revolutionaries: We revolutionaries get on the locomotive of history and say clearly: No support for Petro's government! And in this way we laid the foundations of a revolutionary organization in Colombia.
Freedom to 19 and all the leaders of the Front Line! For a First Line independent of the state and the capitalist parties!
In his victory speech, the elected President of Colombia, Gustavo Petro, asked the Attorney General to release the young people detained for being members of the First Line , a request rejected out of hand by Prosecutor Barbosa, stating that he as the next president "must ask Congress to change the law and not the Attorney General if he wants to release the detainees." From there, the Historical Pact has not lifted a finger in defense of the political prisoners of the Colombian revolution. He has not defended, nor has he done anything for the freedom of 19, nor of any of the imprisoned leaders of the First Line.
The government of the Historical Pact has sought to co-opt many of these young leaders of the First Line, trying to place them as officials. They have named some as "Peace Managers" seeking to co-opt and transform the First Line into "Petrist" , reformist organizations that act together with the Historical Pact as a lifeline of capitalism. Worse still, Petro has made the freedom of the leaders of the First Line subject to his "Total Peace" policy sanctioned by the government in November 2022, where leaders of the old Colombian guerrillas, drug traffickers, and paramilitaries are put in the same bag. and members of the Front Line, seeking to comply with the"demobilization of all the sources that generate death and blood in Colombia ," according to Alfonso Prada, minister of the interior.
The statements by the Minister of the Interior of the Petro government put an equal sign between guerrillas, drug traffickers, paracos and members of the Front Line because according to him they all generate "blood and pain . " He seeks to bog down the fight for the Freedom of 19 and other leaders, mixing them in negotiations with the army, drug traffickers, paracos and guerrillas with whom the First Lines have nothing to do. By putting guerrillas, drug traffickers, paramilitaries and social fighters in the same bag, the Petro government puts the possibility of Freedom for the social leaders of the Front Line increasingly more distant.
What do the young people of the Front Line have to do with the drug traffickers of the Gulf Clan? What do they have to do with the leaders of the ELN or the FARC? What does it have to do with the Paracos? Out with Petro and Prada's Total Peace Plan! We flatly reject all these collusions that put the leaders of the First Line in the same bag with people who have nothing to do with them.
Why does the government put everything in the same bag? What does Sergio "19" have to do with drug traffickers and paramilitaries? Nothing. Petrism seeks to confuse the people and those who are unwary about who the young people of the Front Line really are.
The role of the Colombian left is that of traitors. We denounce the Communist Party, the guerrilla organizations, Petrists, who refuse to fight for the Freedom of 19 and all the leaders of the First Line. They refuse to do so because they do not want to contradict Petro's "Total Peace" plan. But the so-called "Total Peace" is nothing more than a policy of submission to capitalist justice, to Uribist justice that is in the hands of Prosecutor Barbosa. We must face it and defeat it to achieve the Freedom of 19 and all the Front Line leaders, that is why from La Marx International we have launched the International Campaign without expecting anything from Petro, the Historical Pact or its "Total Peace" plan .
The role of the left, of the Historical Pact, of the Petro government is the classic role played by the Popular Front governments that seek to stop the revolution. The Popular Front governments have led the workers and the people to catastrophic defeats as in the Spanish Revolution of 1939, or in Chile in 1973. Currently Stalinism, the reformists and the Progressive International promote and support Popular Front governments in Brazil with Lula, with Peronism in Argentina, in Mexico with Morena, with Arévalo in Guatemala, in Chile with Boric, in Bolivia with Arce, in India in several states where communists collaborate with capitalist coalitions, etc. In the United States the PC and the DSA support the imperialist government of Biden, in Germany the Stalinists and Die Linke support the imperialist government of Scholtz.
Everywhere, these governments seek to divert and channel revolutions to lead them to defeat. But the Colombian revolution did not end, it has barely begun. The February Revolution of Colombia is the necessary prologue to the Colombian socialist Revolution, and is part of the fight for revolution in Latin America. The regime is terrified of the imprisoned young people from the Front Line, they know that the people love them very much, more than them, more than all the capitalist leaders combined. That is why we must fight more than ever for their freedom.
As Nahuel Moreno said: "... The Februarys will mature in consciousness, which will allow the construction of revolutionary parties..." We have entered the conscious phase of the Colombian revolution in which millions will experience with the "progressives", " reformists", and "social democrats". The First Line continues standing and its leaders will mature, according to Moreno, reaching Marxism. The commitment of The Marx International in fighting for Freedom at 19, and of all the leaders of the First Line is to lay the foundations of a revolutionary organization to fight for Socialist Colombia, on the path of Global Socialism.