The Regrouping of the Revolutionaries

Programmatic Document of La Marx International- December 2019

The International Regroupment of the Revolutionaries is task number one. It is necessary to set a guideline for taking concrete steps to that task that we have defined as number one, of a strategic and vital nature to fight the battle to resolve the crisis of revolutionary leadership.

The crisis of the revolutionary leadership lies concretely in the fact that there is a crisis in Trotskyism, that the Fourth International has dispersed and almost completely disintegrated, which practically does not exist as such. 

There isn't a Fourth International organization, recognized or authorized, or with any authority over sectors of the world's avant-garde. We do not intend to hide the facts, but present them as they are, without fear of showing them as they are to different generations of revolutionaries who come to us

We need to fix the this strategy is based on the analysis of the world crisis of Trotskyism, in order to to fight for the reconstruction of the Fourth International. For that battle, our diagnosis is that the crisis of the Fourth International is one of great importance, such gravity that in order to move forward with its reconstruction, a previous step is necessary which is the Regroupment of Revolutionaries. We need a base of militant cadres, groups and organizations that make up a platform and this is the starting point of the reorganisation of a Socialist International today nonexistent. This step is fundamental in the strategic path of Reconstruction of the Fourth International. These steps we need to take are crucial to advance in the resolution of the crisis of revolutionary leadership.

What does the crisis of the Fourth International? In that most currents and directions Those who claim to be Trotskyists are undergoing a process of social democratization. This process of social democratization implies that these groups break with the program of the Fourth International, break with the method and tradition of the Fourth International, They adapt themselves to the bourgeois-democratic regime, and capitulate to the Counterrevolutionary.

The Scientific Definition of the Crisis: Revisionism or Pabloism

This process of social democratization has detonated a disintegration and atomization of Trotskyism and an agonizing situation of the Fourth International. This behavior of The overwhelming majority of the forces that claim to be Trotskyist are the expression of the grave crisis of the Fourth International, and the product of the Fourth International. end of a long process of crisis. Delving into the tradition and history of the Fourth International, we scientifically define this phenomenon as Revisionism or Pabloism. Pabloism is to suppose that the counter- revolutionary leaderships they can play some "progressive" role, and it is no longer necessary to build the Fourth International.

It's called Pabloism because Michel Pablo, the Greek leader, led the Fourth International in 1951. Under the impact of the "Cold War", the arms race, imperialism's threats of a military attack on the Union The leadership of the Fourth International, headed by Michel Pablo and Ernest Mandel, argued that the parties of the Third Communist International, led by Stalin were to take a progressive course under pressure from the imperialism, and they were going to seize power and develop the socialist revolution in the United States. Everybody.

The "Pabloite" orientation was that the The parties of the Fourth International had to enter the CPs of the They had to make agreements with the leaders of those parties. You have to remember that at that time the Communist Parties were part of some of the the most important capitalist governments with ministers and officials. Is In other words, Pablo's orientation was that the Fourth International had to integration with capitalist fronts and governments, and this almost destroyed the Fourth Revolution. International.

Here's how he explains it Moreno: "The year 1951 divides the history of Our International: Before and After Pabloite Revisionism. Starting from That date, when its leadership is taken over by revisionism, our International enters into crisis, disintegrates... Its policy of "entryism sui generis," his analysis that the Cold War would force the Communist parties to to go to the civil war and the workers' revolution... were the attempt, on the part of Pablo, to smuggle into our ranks a... Treason Policy and demobilization... Pabloism had devastating effects on our lives. International. Not content with capitulating to Stalinism, they began to capitulate to any direction or apparatus that would control the mass movement..." (1)

If what Pablo said was true and the III International became "progressive" then. what Trotsky had put forward was wrong. It was not necessary to build the Fourth International, but the right thing to do was to make agreements with the leaders of the the counter-revolutionary organizations, which under imperialist pressure" were to become "revolutionary."

In 1953, James Cannon called with an "Open Letter" to confront and defeat Pabloism. Cannon was the main leader and founder, along with Leon Trotsky, of the Socialist Workers Party of the United States (SWP) and the Fourth International. That is why his call had great historical importance, and just as the year 1951 went down in history as the year in which revisionism emerged, 1953 is the year in which a current emerged that aimed to confront revisionism: orthodox Trotskyism.

That which What we are seeing today in the organizations that claim to be Trotskyist is a a new "wave" of Pabloism, which we can call it "revisionism of the Century." XXI". The groups of the Fourth International affirm that "the right is advancing" worldwide, that "the coup d'état is coming", that "fascism is coming globally", and that There is a "conservative wave" at the worldwide. They claim that Trump, Bolsonaro, Añez, are the fascism that is coming upon us and It's going to crush us. And so in order to stop the CIA, the Pentagon, etc. we have to make deals with Bernie Sanders, with Jeremy Corbyn, with Putin, with Xi Jinping, with Lula, with Evo, with Maduro, that we have to support the Putin bloc. Maduro-Evo-Lula, that China is going to confront the U.S. USA, etc. It's quite a quackery with pseudo-scientific pretensions.

Pabloism of the 21st century is evidenced in the Bolivian Revolution of 2019, when the Revisionist Trotskyism says it is a "coup d'état" of the state" and made agreements with Evo, Lula, Alberto Fernández, the PJ, the PT, Bernie Sanders, etc. to support Evo Morales. They make agreements and public acts jointly with the Castrochavismo, which according to them would be the "Countryside of the Democracy Progressive." This "Pabloism of the Century XXI" threatens to liquidate the remnants of the Fourth International.

Revisionism implies a course of social-democratization that the revolutionary organization describes until it becomes a centrist, and finally a reformist organization. The crystallization into a reformist, or social- democratic, organization is the inevitable course with which the process of social-democratization that detonates revisionism culminates. The revisionist organizations of the 21st century break with the program, method and tradition of the Fourth International, and cease to be Trotskyist. Since 1953, leaders such as James Cannon and Nahuel Moreno confronted the revisionism of Pablo and Mandel, building the orthodox Trotskyist current that fought to defend the principles of Marxism, a current of which we feel part and continuation. Let us now look at the different stages of the crisis of Trotskyism and the Fourth International.

The First Stage of the Crisis of the Fourth International: Struggle Against Revisionism

The first stage of the The crisis of the Fourth International encompassed the whole of the post-war period, it was that of the struggle of the Trotskyism against the revisionism of Pablo and Mandel. This period lasted until the The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 began with the Bolivian Revolution of 1952. Here's how he explains it Nahuel Moreno: "The synthesis of betrayal It took place in Bolivia. In this country the POR (Revolutionary Workers' Party) section of the International, led by the hand of Pablo, committed one of the most tremendous betrayals...

... In Bolivia, the working class, educated by the At the beginning of April 1952, Trotskyism carried out one of the revolutions of the It destroyed the bourgeois army, workers' and peasants' militias as the only real power in the country, and organized the Bolivian Workers' Confederation to centralize the workers' movement and the militias ...  The bureaucracy that ran the COB handed over the power that was in power. hands to the bourgeois nationalist party, the MNR (Nationalist Movement Revolutionary). Bolivian Trotskyism was a power, it had great influence in the workers' and mass movement, he had participated as a co-leadership in the workers' and people's insurrection that had destroyed the army... The International Secretariat (IS), led by Pablo, gave the line treacherous and reformist to critically support the bourgeois government... The Beginning The Pabloite revisionist movement was always the same: the MNR, pressured by the mass movement, was going to be forced to make a socialist revolution" (2)

Revisionism detonates a process of social democratization, which culminates when the group that adopts the Program of the Fourth International, abandons it to become a group reformist. To complete this course, they must repeat the same path as developed the organizations that broke with Marxism in the nineteenth century, and the early 20th century directed by Karl Kautsky, August Bebel and Eduard Bernstein. These leaders led the Second International to break with the Marxism, and become a reformist, social-democratic international. But Kautsky, Bebel and Bernstein led that course in the name of Marxism, relying on the prestige of Marx and Engels, by passing off their capitulatory positions in the name of Marx and Marxism.

Here's why The present leaders who broke with Trotskyism continue to call themselves Trotskyists. They are following the same course as Kautsky, Bebel and Bernstein: Calling Himself Trotskyists have a better chance of passing their positions through capitulators. This is how Nahuel Moreno explains it: "This centrist current... is a fundamental part of that same revisionism... which in form does not break with Trotskyist formulations... Yes Formally, he defends some Trotskyist positions for better smuggling and to pass the revisionist positions. There is, in fact, a division of between these two nuances, a relationship very similar to that between the two shades of the two. Bernstein and Kautsky..." (3)

The Second Stage of the Crisis of the Fourth International: The Fourth International. 90's

With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the second stage in the crisis of the Fourth International. Throughout the 1990s, the larger trotskyist currents: the SU, the CI, the Militant, and the LIT, which They gave rise to a whole series of minor currents. In the post-war period, after the After Pablo's expulsion, most of the currents regrouped in the Unified Secretariat (SU). Another group of currents remained on the Committee International (IC), the first regroupment to be organized against Pabloism. But the SU, under Mandel's leadership, developed one capitulation after another. He became a guerrilla fighter and began to suffer one outburst after another. caused currents and sectors of the SU to move away, first the SWP of The United States, then Nahuel Moreno who broke with the SU and formed the LIT.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the SU underwent a spectacular transformation. In 1991 the 14th Congress adopted the line of forming anti-capitalist parties such as the Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste (NPA, New Anticapitalist Party), eliminating from the program of Trotskyism the slogan of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. And I call for the formation of the parties anti-capitalists around the world. This is how the anti- capitalist parties arose in Europe that gave rise to Syriza in Greece, and Podemos in Spain. The Matches anti-capitalists went on to form electoral coalitions with the remnants of the Stalinism in Europe, and renounced the strategy of revolutionary.

The LIT, the current founded by Nahuel Moreno, exploded in the 90's. From there a number of organizations emerged, such as the MST, the ITU, IS, the PTS, the New MAS, the most of which broke with Morenoism and Trotskyism. Groups such as the PSTU in Brazil, as well as the Socialist Left or the MST in Argentina carry forward Kautsky's tactics, Bebel, or Bernstein to continue formally vindicating Morenoism, or Trotskyism but in the course of deeds to break with the Fourth International, as the Bolivian Revolution of 2019.

A similar course was pursued by the ICFI, the other current around which brought together a sector of the Fourth International to fight Pabloism. The ICFI disbanded first with the crisis of the WRP in England, and then the crisis of the OIC in England. France, led by Lambert, which became the Party of the Workers, who, after breaking with the Trotskyist programme, have practically become Dissolved. Ted Grant was expelled from the ICFI in the post-war period, which promoted The Militant, a current that played a major role in the struggle against Margaret Thatcher, but it also exploded in the 1990s when Peter Taafe developed the Socialist Party of England and Wales, and founded another international current called CIT.

This whole stage of the crisis of Trotskyism was intersected by one fact the fall of the Berlin Wall and the beginning of the fourth world stage of the class struggle. In the face of the fall of the Wall, the The majority of Trotskyism capitulated to the worldwide campaign that "Socialism Failed," which led to its leaders to abandon Marxism in various ways. The Fall of Stalinism The crisis of the revisionist groups of Trotskyism deepened. This showed the serious damage that Pabloism had done to post-war Trotskyism. The Trotskyist movement had been made up of groups that followed Stalinism as if in the shadows, and therefore, when the Stalinism began its collapse, they also collapsed together with Stalinism.

The Third and Present Stage of the Crisis of the Fourth International

With the disappearance of the the great Trotskyist currents of the post-war period, the present stage of the crisis of the The Fourth International is characterized by the crisis and disintegration of organizations smaller. This whole stage of the present crisis of the Fourth International is It is crossed by two central facts of the class struggle: the global crisis of the capitalism and the Revolutions of the 21st Century. In the 21st century there is no a Michael Pablo, nor an Ernest Mandel who organizes and structures revisionism as an organic current.

The current crisis of the Fourth International is taking place in the context of the opening of the the world stage of the class struggle, the stage of the political revolution. Therefore, In this third stage of the crisis of the Fourth International, there are no the great post-war Communist Parties led by Stalin, that enormous counter-revolutionary apparatus that controlled the mass movement, which was swept away by revolution with the fall of the Berlin Wall.

The parties and leaders of today's counter-revolutionary groups, the Bernies Sanders, the Evos, the Lulas, the Correas, the Maduros, etc. side by side with Stalinism They are a joke, they are organizations a thousand times weaker. Without However, Pabloite revisionism still exists, embodied in different forms of revisionism. figures and organizations. This is how Nahuel Moreno explains it: "Although Pablo is the one who has taken it to its ultimate consequences In this revisionist deviation, revisionism is not limited to the To him. It is a much broader current that has been responsible for maintaining, since then, in a permanent crisis to our International..."... It is a front without principles, made up of different nuances and currents... Given this character of Revisionism has at its head different figures and characterized leaders at every stage of their development..." (4)

At this stage, all Small organizations deepen their course of revisionism and process of social-democratization. The U.S. SWP In the U.S., the party founded by Leon Trotsky has been forward a line of critical support for Donald Trump. The U.S. ISO. The U.S. disintegrated to support Bernie Sanders. Peter Taafe's CWI erupted. The Militant supported the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. The LIT capitulated to the Castrochavismo in the Bolivian Revolution of 2019. Mandelism led to several capitalist governments, such as in Greece and Brazil, where they had officials in Lula's government. Sectors that broke with the LIT They form a popular front with the bourgeoisie in Brazil. In Argentina, the groups The FIT, as well as the PTS, PO, IS, vote laws with the bourgeoisie in Parliament.

The central feature of The crisis of the revisionist groups is the process of adaptation to the regime. disintegration and dissolution of these small groups as they go becoming frankly social-democratic organizations. The center of These organizations are participation in bourgeois elections, while which in the trade unions, as well as in the mass organizations, exhibit their adaptation to the trade union bureaucracy, and to the reformist apparatuses.

Revisionism regresses theoretically and breaks with the Marxism

Other Feature of the revisionist groups is that they have produced practically nothing, nor have they been able to He has made virtually no significant contribution to Marxist theory. Every time that open their mouths express a profound process of theoretical involution and rupture with the Marxism, parrot the "fashions", theories, charlatanism, and false ideologies transmitted by the bourgeoisie, senile Stalinism, Castrochavismo, the "progressive" think-tanks of the Democratic Party of the U.S. In the U.S., such as CLACSO, they become spokespersons for fraud and prosecution the London or Paris Economic School, etc.

Its elaborations are based on denying the existence of a world revolutionary process, and Therefore, the conditions are "not ripe" for revolution. Not in this area either they invent nothing, they simply repeat what Kautsky, Bebel and Bernstein, the leaders of the Social Democracy, or Stalin, always said and Bukharin, the leaders of Stalinism. Revisionist groups deny the the existence of the world crisis of capitalism, or deny its character; deny the Revolutions of the 21st Century, adopt the vision that the situation of the is a kind of black night in which fascism is coming, and the coups d'état.

For these groups We are living through a stage of the struggle of the classes marked by a "defeat of the working class. By adopting the Theory of Conditions "Not Ripe" for Revolution, "Theory of Socialism" in one country" of Stalin, because they see the need for a whole stage of alliances with "bourgeois sectors" progressives", "to confront the fascism and the right." In this way, they adopt the "Theory of of the Progressive Bourgeois Camps." The Groups revisionists regress to theories formulated by the intellectual groups of Focault, Marcuse, the Frankfurt School, Adorno, or Habermas. Some Some groups argue that capitalism is in a period of development of the productive forces, other groups that imperialism no longer exists, some Groups claim that in order to make revolution, the "Cultural Revolution" is needed from the universities, the media, and the cultural propaganda, and attribute this line to Gramsci.

Other groups adopt the Keynesian program, and present it as Marxism, adopt the "Theory of the Cycle Keynesian Economics" and present it as "Long Wave Theory", disguising it as Marxism. Most groups adopt the "Decoupling Theory" launched by imperialist circles from the London Economic School. Others make the the self-management and autonomist theory of Subcomandante Marcos, Tony Negri, Heinz Dieterich, Michael Hardt, and Naomi Klein building unemployed, or recovered factories, or various forms of welfare. All this verbiage, quackery, and false ideologies present them in "Marxist" or "Trotskyist" garb. 

The revisionist groups abandon the Transition Program, and adopt the structure of the "minimum program" and the "maximum program" of social democracy. By devolving social democratic groups, the groups are incorporated into the politics and program of the Progressive International founded in 2020 by Bernie Sanders and Yanis Varoufakis from Siriza of Greece to regroup all reformist groups and currents from around the world. This reformist world organization proposes support for "progressive" capitalist governments and the fight against the "right", but it is also in crisis because its charlatanism and pseudo-Marxist talk is being hit by the reality of the crisis of capitalism, as well as the Revolutions of the 21st Century. This global regrouping of reformists made up of 99% of the world left, makes it more necessary than ever for a global regrouping of revolutionaries that today is being led by The Marx International, a strategy that is strengthened by the great events of the world class struggle, which in turn strengthen the entire Marxist Theory, as well as the classic analysis of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky and Nahuel Moreno.

The objective bases of the evolution from Trotskyism to revisionism

The reasons behind the ongoing process of social democratization triggered by revisionism are the enormous changes brought about by the global situation. The combination of the global crisis of capitalism with the global revolutionary process accelerates the rightward shift of all counter- revolutionary forces, as well as all revisionist groups. This explains the advance toward social democratization and the fragmentation into numerous smaller currents on an international scale.

Revisionist groups evolve into reformist groups precisely at the moment when the global crisis of capitalism liquidates and threatens all "reformist" projects. With the unfolding of this global crisis, there is no room, no opening, for developing reforms or improvements of any kind. On the contrary, we are witnessing a brutal attack on the living conditions of millions, which leaves no room for negotiations or "truces" and obliterates all parliamentary, reformist, or trade union illusions. By abandoning the revolutionary project and adopting the reformist one, revisionist groups deepen their crisis, battered by the crisis of capitalism.

One component of the global revolutionary process that exacerbates the crisis of revisionist groups is the women's revolution. Thousands of women, trans, lesbian, and youth activists find that leftist groups are sexist, defend abusers, oppose women publicly denouncing abusers, or advocate for the legalization of prostitution. As a result, groups claiming to be Trotskyist are rejected by thousands of women fighters and leaders of the Women's Revolution, leading to valuable leaders and cadres leaving these organizations in profound disillusionment.

The revolutionary upsurge is increasingly working-class; the revolutions are urban, centered on the workers. This exacerbates the crisis of groups that claim to be Trotskyist because they refuse to intervene in mass organizations. They are seeking new social subjects, placing their hopes in the guerrilla fighter, the picketer, the intellectual, the general, the commander. They refuse to demand that mass organizations fight for power; they despise them, as we saw in the Bolivian Revolution of 2019.

The process of social-democratization of Trotskyism reflects the class pressures exerted by imperialism and the global counter-revolutionary front on workers' and popular organizations. Faced with the global revolutionary process, imperialism, where it cannot prevent it, grants only two limited avenues for political activity: trade union activity and parliamentary activity. The process of social-democratization represents the adaptation of leaders who identify as Trotskyists to these imperialist pressures. Revisionist groups limit their actions to exploiting the limited loopholes created by imperialism, adapting to the patterns of the bourgeois state within trade union organizations. Union leaders who have held their positions for many years, and who fail to pursue a policy of union transformation, adapt to the structure imposed by the bourgeois state and become bureaucratized.

The openly social-democratic shift of the revisionist groups' leadership is expressed in their prioritization of parliamentary activity at the expense of the struggle for leadership of the workers' and people's movement. To mask their social-democratic course, they raise ultra-leftist slogans, disguise themselves as communists, and hold "combative" rallies , but all of this is a smokescreen to conceal their adaptation, as they tend to become bureaucratized and thus adapt to the regime. As the coffers of Trotskyist organizations swell with money from parliamentarians' salaries due to parliamentary intervention, the drift to the right accelerates, and the organizations increasingly renounce the struggle for leadership in the struggles, in the unions, and in the mass organizations. Consequently, within the mass organizations, these currents adopt an ultra-leftist policy as a cover for their adaptation to the regime.

The income derived from the bourgeois state leads these organizations to build an apparatus disproportionate to the number of members and their influence within mass organizations. The social-democratic structure advances as the number of salaried employees, officials, publications, and cultural and intellectual activities dependent on the bourgeois state grows. The party loses its autonomy from the bourgeois state and becomes deeply dependent on it; it ceases to be an apparatus of conspiracy, at the service of arming the masses, organizing strikes, self-organization, or picketing, and transforms into a social-democratic apparatus.

Revisionism imposes a Stalinist regime and expels many valuable activists

As Trotskyist organizations advance toward revisionism and the social-democratic turn intensifies, their internal regime becomes increasingly undemocratic. When sectors of cadres and militants perceive this opportunistic course and attempt to alter it, they are brutally repressed by the revisionist leadership. This leadership imposes a bureaucratic, Stalinist centralism, reforms the statutes in an undemocratic manner, prevents debate, and imposes sanctions and expulsions, leading to divisions, splits, and crises.

As a result of this process, thousands of militants are "quietly" distancing themselves from these organizations. Some factions or comrades draw the mistaken conclusion that Trotskyist organizations should therefore not participate in elections, have representatives in parliament, or lead unions or trade union federations. They also argue that they shouldn't have an apparatus or paid staff because that leads to bureaucratization. All these conclusions are wrong. The history of revolutionary movements shows that it is necessary to build an apparatus and have professionals to lead insurrections and strikes, which cannot be done without a strong organization. Representatives in parliament and union leaders are indispensable tactics for winning over the masses.

The problem isn't intervening in elections, having members of parliament, leading unions, or having a party apparatus or paid staff. What destroys the party system is the intervention of the bourgeois state in the party structure, which leads to the bureaucratization of its leaders. For the party to maintain a sound method, the leadership must broaden the democratic aspect of its internal operating procedures, allowing for greater control by the middle ranks and the party base over the leadership. We estimate that in recent years thousands of members have broken with revisionist groups. We must act boldly in the face of this crisis, without sectarianism, to win back these cadres and members. We must reach out to them and offer them our resources, leaving behind the past and any conflicts we may have had in previous years, and discussing the present and how to rebuild revolutionary Marxism. We must be very patient with these comrades who leave these organizations deeply shaken and confused.

For a new Zimmerwald: The need for a principled regrouping pole

Our strategy is the reconstruction of the Fourth International, which has been severely damaged by Pabloite revisionism. But it would be a mistake to set ourselves the task of rebuilding the Fourth International as an immediate priority. If we were to adopt that approach, we would quickly head toward a crisis, because today we have no one with whom to rebuild the Fourth International. Like a Big Bang, all revisionist groups are rapidly distancing themselves from the Fourth International; it would be pointless to try to find groups with which to rebuild it. The task before us today is the Regrouping of the Revolutionaries. We now aim to regroup the groups, militants, and leaders who resist the revisionist course. These groups, resisting the social-democratization of revisionism, need international support and cover, because isolated and developing a national-Trotskyist ideology, they are destined to disappear. To achieve this Regrouping, we need to carry out a process of defining all revisionist groups and fight for the emergence of a revolutionary pole.

Our assertion that the task at hand today is the Regrouping of Revolutionaries does not mean we are abandoning the strategy of Reconstructing the Fourth International. On the contrary, it implies a serious plan based on recognizing the grave state of disintegration the Fourth International is suffering, its virtual disappearance. It would be a mistake, as many groups do, to proclaim ourselves the " reconstructed Fourth International" as soon as we reach an agreement with a few groups. That would not be serious. Therefore, we do not propose as our current objective to immediately set out to rebuild the Fourth International. We propose a more modest goal to begin this journey: to start uniting, organizing, and connecting with groups that resist the revisionist process. We need a base of militant cadres, groups, and organizations that will form a platform and starting point for the reorganization of a Socialist International, which does not exist today.

This orientation of the Regroupment of Revolutionaries is also the result of drawing conclusions from our historical experience. When the revisionism of Kautsky, Bebel, and Bernstein destroyed the revolutionary character of the Second International by supporting the imperialist governments in the First World War, Rosa Luxemburg said that the Second International had become a "rotting corpse." Lenin and Trotsky repudiated the leaders of the Second International, and the idea of ​​a meeting of all the leaders who maintained the revolutionary position then took hold.

This meeting took place between September 5 and 8, 1915, in Zimmerwald, a small village near Bern, Switzerland. Revolutionaries opposed to the First World War gathered there, including Lenin, Trotsky, James Connolly from Ireland, and John Maclean from Scotland, among others. Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were unable to attend as they were imprisoned in Germany, but they sent letters of support. The meeting was very small, with only 38 people traveling in four carriages. This prompted Lenin's famous joke: "All the revolutionaries could fit in four carriages," which later became popular as "All the revolutionaries could fit in one armchair . "

Thanks to this orientation, the "Left of Independence" emerged. Zimmerwald" the connections between the groups that had been severed were they managed to re-establish. Isolated groups, who were skeptical or in crisis, who didn't know what was going on, broke their isolation and found new ones. channels to function. A new international did not immediately emerge, but the Regroupment achieved at the Zimmerwald Conference laid the foundations for what was which after the Russian Revolution was the rise of the Third International. That which Now we must carry forward is a "new Zimmerwald", a new international regroupment that will make it possible to reorganize the militant groups and currents that resist revisionism. The Need to carry out this Regroupment cannot be postponed, the first step towards the Reconstruction of the Fourth International

Our strategy continues to be to rebuild the IV International

At the same time, there are thousands of new activists and leaders who are spearheading the revolutions taking place around the world. These activists are not Trotskyists, but they tend to adopt revolutionary positions. No Organized currents or groups have yet emerged that will enable us to implement the tactics of the FUR, but we cannot rule out that they will arise in the future. While Therefore, we must also have a policy towards this new breed of activists that crosses all trade unions, democratic, feminist, indigenous, immigrant, LGBT, etc. around the world.

To all of them We propose that you join the Revolutionary Regroupment that we are Driving. But we are also raising the need for an International Socialist who organizes and coordinates the revolutions and struggles that are taking place throughout the world. They don't know Trotskyism, they don't know the Fourth International, but they feel the need for an international organization to coordinate and Unify the struggles, and carry out international campaigns.

It exists in this Moment a very important socio-political phenomenon throughout the world, which is radicalization of sections of the masses, a "turn to the left" of sectors that are beginning to hate capitalism, and seek to approach Marxism and socialism. That is why the slogan that we build an International Socialist may be attractive to many leaders who seek the socialism and Marxism, without them knowing very well what it consists of. The slogan that we build a Socialist International is a slogan of the Socialist International. Propaganda is not something that is presented as present, nor in the immediate. But it's a slogan that allows us to tell these activists that they are They consider themselves revolutionaries but are not Trotskyists, that we must build a a common international organization, which is socialist, to face together the challenge of the struggle against capitalism.

But even if we raise the Regroupment of the Revolutionaries as a present task, and the call for a Socialist International as a propaganda slogan for activists of the whole world, we must consider all of these as tactical steps along the way of our strategy of rebuilding the Fourth International. We must not forget or For a moment that's our strategy. There are currents that affirm that since the groups that claim to be Trotskyist have committed so many disasters, that something else has to be built, that the IV must not be rebuilt, but to "re-found" it, or to construct the V International or do something else.

All of these proposals are Wrong. We reaffirm the strategy of the Reconstruction of the Fourth World International not on a whim, but out of scientific conviction. So it is Nahuel Moreno explains: "... The foundation of Our International was the greatest success of Trotsky and of our worldwide movement... It responds to the same need... to unite all the revolutionary Marxists around a program that synthesized all that was learned by the world Marxist movement from the Communist Manifesto and especially since the Russian Revolution ... To defend these conquests of the Marxism, synthesized in Trotskyism and its program, of the counter-revolutionary movement along the lines of Stalinism and the other counter-revolutionary apparatuses to erase them from the historical memory of workers and their vanguard, it was imperative to achieve an ironclad international organization on the part of revolutionaries" (5)

That is why the tasks of the The regroupment of the Revolutionaries that we must carry forward are tactics at the service of the strategy of reconstruction of the Fourth International. All the orientations that we carry out, and events, everything that we do, is in the service of building this pole of regroupment at the service of the International Regroupment of Revolutionaries. This is the orientation that We propose for its concretion.

Notes:

(1) Nahuel Moreno. Update of the Transition Program. Revisionism tends to destroy the International

(2) Nahuel Moreno. Update of the Transition Program. Revisionism tends to destroy the International

(3) Nahuel Moreno. Update of the Transition Program. Revisionism tends to destroy the International

(4) Nahuel Moreno. Update of the Transition Program. Revisionism tends to destroy the International

(5) Nahuel Moreno. Update of the Transition Program. The Foundation of the Fourth International

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