1- Capitalism in collapse

The capitalist-imperialist system is in a collapse that consists of the combination of several critical factors, such as the global recession, the cutting of the chain of supplies (global gridlock), collapse of trade, destruction of the productive forces, generalized precariousness, poverty, devastation of nature, change bubbles, speculative manoeuvres, crashes or bankruptcies. global corporations and banks, pandemics, wars, etc. The global inflation unleashed in 2021 hits the entire world as the most external and visible symptom of the current crisis.

The current crisis began with the bursting of the dot-com bubble on Wall Street in 2000, a catastrophe that imperialism tried to reverse with the invasion of Iraq. By 2007, the NATO invasion suffered a political-military defeat that led to a heart attack, an acute crisis peak with the massive bankruptcy of the Global Corporations between the years 2008/09. From there began the Bailouts, and rescue operations of more than US$60 billion, which have taken more than 15 years to save theoligarchy of the 1%. This oligarchy is imperialism, the owners of the corporations that control world capitalism, whose headquarters are in the U.S. and the U.S. USA, England, France, Germany, Switzerland and Japan.

Bailouts and rescue operations are a desperate resource that seeks to counteract the collapse in order to prevent the end of the capitalist mode of production. But the bailouts, far from solving the crisis, aggravate it, because they develop a whole series of very dangerous speculative maneuvers that exacerbate the overaccumulation of capital, the so-called "speculative bubbles" and all kinds of distortions. Imperialism and the ruling classes have the possibility of pulling capitalism out of the crisis on the condition that they carry out a colossal burning of capital and destruction of productive forces in one fell swoop in a limited number of years as they were able to do before in the Second World War or in the Vietnam War.

The fact that imperialism survives through an artificial respirator of bailouts and bailouts capturesthe historical, epochal and civilizing character of the crisis, which is counted as one of the most important in the history of humanity. The solution that the bourgeoisie should impose to get capitalism out of this crisis requires a defeat of the workers and the people on a world scale that is impossible today due to the existence of a mass insurrection that puts a limit on any attempt by the ruling classes and imperialism.

2- A World Revolution Against Capitalism

The triumph of the National Liberation revolution of the people of Iraq opened up between the years 2009/10 a world revolutionary situation that combines the crisis of capitalism witha mass revolutionary upsurge. This rise is verified by the huge, gigantic and moving mobilizations in favor of Palestine around the world, while Palestinian militias fight in Gaza and inflict severe blows on the Israeli occupation army that perpetrates war crimes on a significant sector of the unarmed and vulnerable civilian population.

The revolutionary ascent sweeps across the 5 continents ofSri Lanka Lanka and India in Southeast Asia, to workers' strikes in imperialist countries such as the U.S. and India. USA, England, France, Germany and all of Europe. The3rd Intifada shakes Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and the entire Middle East. The Ukrainian people's national liberation revolution against Putin's occupation shakes Europe, while the rise includes mass protests in Latin America and Africa. All revolutions are driven by demands against hunger, racism, inequality, national oppression, sexism, climate change, defense of trade union rights, political prisoners, civil liberties, etc.

Revolutions aim at capitalism because allthe contradictions and hardships of our epoch emanate from the private character of the means of production, today concentrated in the domain of the big Wall Street corporations. Thetreacherous leaderships such as the reformists, social democrats, bourgeois nationalists, Stalinists, fundamentalists, autonomists, etc., lie to women, races, oppressed nations, workers and peasants by telling them that their grievances are not against capitalism, and can be resolved within it.

Regardless of the degree of consciousness of the peoples about the relationship between their demands and the crisis of capitalism, revolutions strike at capitalist states, their governments, dictatorships, bourgeois democracy, and their institutions. This prevents the ruling classes from overcoming their crisis and bankruptcy, which is destroying and degrading the conditions of capitalism, and aggravating its crisis. The world revolutionary situation has developed so far through 3 global revolutionary waves:

1) First Revolutionary Wave (2010-2015)

Iraq's Revolutionary War of National Liberation was an urban guerrilla war that defeated the Pentagon and NATO, in combination with mass mobilization worldwide and in the U.S. The U.S. government has taken up the Bush administration's attempt to impose a dictatorship on the U.S. through the "Patriot Act" regime. From there the 1st Wave Its key milestones were the "Arab Spring" a complex of revolutions thatbegan in October 2010 with the uprising of the Eastern Sahara Camp, continued with the Tunisian Jasmine Revolution, the Egyptian White Revolution, the Libyan Revolution, the Yemeni Pink Ribbon Revolution, the Syrian Revolution, the Bahrain Revolution, and spread to Lebanon. Iran, Iraq, Algeria, Jordan, Mauritania, Sudan, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Kuwait, Morocco, etc.

The "Arab Spring" included the fall of decades-long governments, regimes, and dictatorships. Self-processing organization, civil wars, dual power, crisis and division in the armies, expropriations, democracy of councils, mass mobilizations, general strikes, armed struggles, emergence of new states and new armies, which spanned more than 20 countries. The wavecontinued in 2011 in Spain with the "Indignados" movement, in Portugal with the Gerão a Rasca movement, in China with the strikes in Guangdong, in the United States and in the United States. In the U.S., with Occupy Wall Street, in Greece with the 11 general strikes, and with the 15-O the first global mobilization against the October 15, 2011.

In 2013 the global wave continued in the United States with the mass mobilization of the black population and the Black Lives Matters movement, and in Syria with the uprising of the Kurdish people that gave rise to Rojava. In 2014 therevolutionary wave found continuity in Ukraine with the "Revolution of Dignity" that overthrew the dictatorship of Victor Yanukovych, the outbreak of the "Umbrella Revolution" in Hong Kong, the declaration of independence of Catalonia from the Spanish State, and in Yemen with the triumph of the "September 21 revolution" that led the Houthis to the seizure of power. In 2015 the mass uprising put an end to the capitalist government of Dilma Rousseff in Brazil. In short, all these struggles deepen by reaffirming the permanent character of the revolution with no point of return to the previous situation.

All this 1st revolutionary wave had a predominantly popular, urban, youthful character, with a strong influence of the autonomist, horizontalist, and anarchist currents of the 21st century led by Tony Negri, Sub Comandante Marcos, Michael Hardt, John Holloway, Heinz Dieterich, David Graeber orMurray Bookchin. Autonomism lied to activists by claiming that it is possible to "Change the World without taking power", a childish and utopian proposal that is treacherous, pacifist, and reformist because it strengthens the bourgeoisie by refusing to overthrow it.

But autonomism suffered a brutal blow with the 1st revolutionary wave because the peoples carried out self-defense and armed uprisings against the states and their armies, ignoring the "horizontal" and pacifist charlatanisms of autonomism. This led to the eclipse of this current and its subsidiaries such as the Zapatistas, or the Kurdish leaderships that joined the bourgeois regime in the midst of a deep crisis.

2) The Second Revolutionary Wave (2016-2021)

The 2nd wave had as its fundamental milestones the outbreak of the world women's movement anticipated by the Kurdish guerrillas of Rojava aspart of the feminist "Fourth Revolution" that spread like wildfire with the Ni Una Menos Movement of Argentina, the struggles of women in Spain for abolitionism, in Chile with the performance of "A Rapist in Your Path", the mobilizations in Mexico against femicides, the triumph in Ireland of legal abortion, the fight in Poland for legal abortion, and the Me Too Movement in the U.S. USA, etc., among others.

Other fundamental milestones of the 2nd wave were the uprising of the people of Honduras against the JOH government, of the youth in Nicaragua against the Ortega dictatorship in 2018, the uprising of the yellow vests in France in 2019, the uprising of the Honduran people against the Honduran government. revolution in Chile known as "Chile Despertó" from 2019 to 2021 that defeated the "30 years" regime, the National Strike in Colombia in 2019-2021 that defeated the Uribe regime, the revolution that brought about the fall of the capitalist government of Evo Morales in Bolivia in 2019, and the revolution that ended the government of Lenín Moreno in Ecuador also in 2019. In 2020, the wave continued in the United States with new Black Lives Matter mobilizations that detonated after the murder of George Floyd and extended the struggle for the liberation of the black race to all continents of the world.

In the 2nd wave, the "Second Wave" began. Arab Spring" with the uprisings in Iraq, Iran and Lebanon, and the "Third Intifada," this time of the Palestinians living inside the United States. Israel's cities centered on Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank. The "Second Arab Spring" is a revolutionary process that challenges the Islamic fundamentalist governments of Iran, Iraq and Lebanon, with a new youth activism that breaks with religious leaders and fights for secularism, questioning the Islamic fundamentalist current that acts as the leadership of the mass movement in the Middle East region.

The 2nd revolutionary wave is an urban process, which began to take place in the the working class by developing the elements and The methods of the proletariat beginning with the irruption of the yellow vests in France, the general strike in Belgium, the Amazon strikes in Germany, and the general strike in India in the year 2020, which was the largest strike of history. Also in 2020, there was the revolution in Peru that overthrew two capitalist governments in one week: that of Martín Vizcarra and Peruanos por el Kambio (PPK), and that of Manuel Merino and the Popular Action (AP) party.

This whole process underwent successive successions paralysis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, but overall It meant a maturation and an advance in relation to the 1st wave, because it presented a combination of the action of the working class with other oppressed sectors such as women, oppressed races, oppressed nationalities such as women, oppressed races, oppressed nationalities such as women, oppressed races, oppressed races, oppressed races, oppressed races, oppressed races Catalonia, Palestine, and Ukraine, oppressed sexualities, and indigenous peoples.

3) The Third Revolutionary Wave (2022 to today)

It began in March 2022 with Putin's defeat in his attempt to take the Ukrainian capital in the battles of Kyiv, Summy, and Kharkiv in mid-March 2022 that ledthe invaders to retreat to the occupied territories. The The Ukrainian revolution takes up the path of revolutionary wars of national liberation such as the war in Iraq, the revolution in Rojava, Yemen, or Syria, which develops an urban guerrilla war, of armed self-organization in the country. cities in combination with the struggle of a national liberation army.

Putin's defeat ratified the development of a process typical of the 21st century, which at the same time, as in the case of Iraq, Ukraine or the 3rd Intifada, receive the support of sectors of the masses mobilized throughout the world. Another fundamental milestone of the 3rd wave is that it includes the strikes in the United States of actors and Hollywood workers, of hotel and casino workers in Las Vegas and the triumph of the historic strike of the "big 3" automakers of the sector Ford, Stellantis and General Motors.

Added to this movement are the general strikes of railway, metalworkers and dockers in Europe, such as the strike in Britain, the mobilizations in France in 2023 of Railway, maritime and maritime workers the most important strike in 30 years, the 2022 strikes in Germany by the Dock Workers Hamburg, Emden, Bremer, Bremerhaven, Brake and Wilhelmshaven, or the general strike in Belgium in 2022, as well as strikes in Italy, Spain, Norway and the oil and gas workers, and in Denmark of the workers Aeronautical.

The 3rd wave continued with mass protests in Latin America such as the mobilizations in Cuba against the capitalist dictatorship of Díaz Canel and the CP in 2022, or in Panama, and Ecuador in 2023. In Africa, demonstrations took place in Ghana, Sierra Leone, Mozambique, South Africa, Sudan, the general strike in Tunis on 16 July 2022, and the anti-imperialist revolutionary wave, especially anti-French in the "Françafrique", which have been caused in Niger, Burkina Faso or Mali by coups d'état.

But without a doubt, the uprisings of the 3rd wave have their central axis in the uprising of the Palestinian people or 3rd Intifada, which took a leap when Palestinian militias inflicted a defeat on October 7, 2023 on the Israeli army. From October 7, the 3rd Intifada took on the character of an open and declared civil war that permeated the world situation, impacted the entire Middle East, and deepened the revolutionary processes in Southeast Asia

The 3rd revolutionary wave witnesses a location of the working class clearly at the center of the world situation, permeating with its action, methods, and organizations the entire revolutionary upsurge. At the same time, the entry on the scene of the great proletariats, with their methods and actions, develops the emergence of a new global trade union activism that strives to affiliate and organize the rank and file of workers, while at the same time seeking to defeat the union bureaucracy, a development that is part of the worldwide process of political revolution that we will discuss later.

The development of the 3 revolutionary waves has generalized the process of revolutionary wars. Behind the revolutionary war in Iraq, the revolutionary wars of Rojava, Syria, Yemen, Ukraine, Palestine, etc., and the insurrectionary processes in which the emergence of the "First Lines" and processes of self-organization and self-defense have also developed on a massive scale both in the revolution in Chile, or Colombia, as in Hong Kong, in Black Lives Matter, etc. In turn, this development of the processes of self-organization and self-defense triggered a shift to the left in mass sectors, and a process of political radicalization in activism and the vanguard around the world. In all these movements there is a powerful and renewed interest of thousands of activists in Marxism, and the search for a revolutionary alternative, aspects that we will analyze in greater detail later.

Only Two Theories Explain What's Going On In The World

There are two theories, and only two, that explain what is happening in the world. On the one hand, the "Decoupling Theory", aWall Street theory that upholds world imperialism, analysts, financiers, political scientists, the media, the Vatican, journalists, sociologists, political parties, and 99% of the World Left. The "Decoupling Theory" posits that what is happening in the world is the end of the U.S. hegemony. The U.S., and the old imperialisms such as the European Union (EU), or new imperialisms that emerge such as China, India, Russia, or Brazil (BRIC'S) "decoupled" from U.S. imperialist domination. They are fighting for that hegemony. According to this theory, the world is heading towards World War III between the United States and the United States. The U.S. vs. the "China-Russia bloc."

To this theory there is only one alternative: the theory of "The American Revolution of the 21st Century" of the Marx International. This theory posits that what is happening in the world is the existence of a world revolution against capitalism that began in the United States when imperialism was defeated in Iraq, a 'revolutionary process that extends to the whole world as capitalism is under the domination of Wall Street. and U.S. Corporations. For this theory, the world is not going "towards World War III" as the "Decoupling Theory" claims, but we are in a world war between revolution and counterrevolution.

La "Teoría del Desacople" no tiene ningún asidero en la realidad. No existe ningún dato que indique que China, Rusia y los BRIC's se "desacoplan" del dominio de EE.UU, todo lo contrario, el dominio de las Corporaciones de EE.UU es cada vez mas catégorico y brutal. A su vez, la adopción de esta teoría lleva al 99% de la izquierda mundial a romper con el Marxismo porque es la negación de sus leyes mas profundas como la tendencia a la centralización y concentración del capital que dieron origen a la oligarquía del 1%. También lleva a la ruptura con la Teoría del Imperialismo ya que el "Desacople" define "Imperialismo" a toda oligarquía menor que tiene un fuerte ejército, multinacionales, y oprime a otros países porque actúa como "matón", o "capataz" del capitalismo en su zona de influencia. Al adoptar ésta definición de "Imperialismo" los grupos de izquierda rompen con el Marxismo.

We ratify Lenin's definition of imperialism that becomes topical with the domination of the Global Corporations, and the oligarchy of the 1%. The companies that dominate the world economy are no longer the multinationals, but the Global Corporations such as JP Morgan Chase or Goldman Sachs that control the global flows of capital from Wall Street whose headquarters are only in the imperialist countries. Neither China nor Russia have Global Corporations. Even countries with small capitalist economies such as Colombia or Argentina have multinationals and no one would think that they are imperialist countries. The adoption of "Decoupling", in addition to clashing with reality, reveals the political illiteracy of the leaders of 99% of the global left.

"Decoupling" abusively extends the definition of "imperialism" to nations such as Turkey, Iran, China, Russia, Brazil, South Africa, India or Serbia, etc., which are "sub-metropolises" of imperialist capital. By speaking of a world with "multiple poles", "bipolar", or "tripolar", the leaders of the left groups break with Marxism byconfusing the "sub-metropolis" of imperialism with imperialist countries, and sow expectations in these minor oligarchies that claim their participation at the table of imperialism.

But in addition, the proposal of a "multipolar" world is out of touch with reality. Thesub-metropolises are in a crisis with no way out, accompanying the crisis of imperialism, and the tendency towards concentration and centralization makes them increasingly unviable, and dependent on imperialist capital. Expressions of this are the collapse of the Chinese economy for 5 years with no way out in sight, the collapse of Russia's oligarchy bogged down in the war in Ukraine, the collapse of the Adani oligarchy in India increasingly dependent on Wall Street, and even Israel which has entered a historic crisis in its role as regional gendarme of the Middle East.

The tendency towards concentration and centralization has placed in a vulnerable position all the oligarchies of the sub-metropolises that can no longer sustain even their status as junior partners of imperialism. The "Decoupling" plunges theworld left into the swamp of charlatans, professors, intellectuals and bourgeois analysts who flaunt their ignorance by prattling on about "geopolitics" in public opinion and the media. But the "opinionologists" and professional swindlers are liquidated by reality at every minute since their main forecast, which is the advent of "World War III", never comes true. By not fulfilling the prophecy of the 3rd world war that they have been announcing for 70 years, since the times of the "Cold War", they are ridiculed.

For the "Decoupling" the revolutionary wars of Rojava, Syria, Yemen, Ukraine, Palestine, etc. are "reactionary wars". For those who adhere to "Decoupling" one should not support either side in revolutionary wars, with which they adopt a position that ends up favoring the oppressive regimes against which the peoples go out to fight. In this way,the supporters of "Decoupling" end up turning their backs on the peoples in the "Arab Spring", in the Ukrainian revolution, in the 3rd Intifada, and in all the revolutions of the 21st century.

In the face of this, the "Decoupling" scam stands the theory of the American Revolution of the 21st Century. This theory is the update of the Theory of Permanent Revolution for the 21st Century, which analyzes the mortal struggle between the revolution and the world counterrevolution in the framework of the terminal crisis of the capitalist mode of production. The Theory of the American Revolution of the 21st Century analyzes how the complex revolutionary processes of the 21st century are concatenated and how democratic, socialist, transitional and political tasks are linked to militant intervention in them. From this emerges the Program that leads to the struggle for power for the imposition of Global Socialism.

4- The World Counterrevolutionary Front

What really exists, and this is what the charlatans of "Decoupling" never talk about, is a shameful submission and defense en bloc of all the minor capitalist oligarchies to the great oligarchy concentrated on Wall Street in whose few hands the global wealth is concentrated around a handful of Corporations. All of them make up the Imperialist Counterrevolution Front that confronts this world war between exploiters and exploited led by US imperialism. The U.S. is the main enemy of the peoples of the world.

Surrounding it in a solid unity are the imperialisms of Western Europe and Japan, and alongside them, beyond circumstantial frictions, the hired thugs, murderers of the working class and war criminals of Putin, Xi Jinping, Erdogan, Modi, Khamenei, or Netanyahu who act by attacking the revolutions that emerge in poor countries, are part of this Front. indigenous peoples and regions of influence.

This world Counter-Revolutionary Front is the front of the bourgeoisie, the rich middle class, the trade union bureaucrats, the Vatican, the officials of the UN, the IMF, the World Bank, all those who have something to lose if the masses triumph. It is the "Holy Alliance" of those who unite fiercely to try to stop the advance of the revolution in defense of the world capitalist-imperialist system. But the counter-offensives launched by the World Counter-Revolutionary Front fail in their attempt, and although they are maintained, they produce an opposite effect to what they expected: The revolutionary situation does not recede, it becomes more violent, explosive and spreads.

Social and political tensions are rising to levels never seen before. When Netanyahu launches fascist attacks in occupied Palestine, Palestinian militias respond with armed uprising. When Putin stands at the gates of Kiev, the Ukrainian people are ready to fight by the millions. As Nahuel Moreno affirmed, the counteroffensives comply with the "law of the mad fireman" that tries to put out the fire with gasoline, that is, each revolutionary fire that imperialism tries to put out produces the outbreak of a much more intense one, by the push of the mobilized masses.

As a result of the fact that the revolutionary upsurge is mercilessly striking at them, and that the collapse of capitalism has no solution in sight, theworld Counterrevolutionary Front is completely in crisis. Today there is no global agreement or "world order" that gives a strategy to the ruling classes, on the contrary, there is a lack of control and complete disorder in the world situation. This provokes in the world Counterrevolutionary Front a crisis of leadership, a bewilderment among its leading cadres, and a crisis of its institutions surprised at every step by the events that they fail to prevent such as the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the Palestinian insurrection of October 7, 2023, the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers, or the explosion of the global women's movement.

The crisis mercilessly hits all the main imperialist political parties, in the midst of a process of decomposition of global institutions such as the UN, WHO, IMF, G7, G20, Davos, etc., whose summits receive a massive repudiation. At the same time, and as an expression of the decadence of the ruling classes, the world Counterrevolutionary Front lacks bourgeois leaders with dignity. Today there is no De Gaulle, no Roosevelt, no Churchill, no Cardenas, no Nasser, no Gandhi, no authoritative voice with political authority, on the contrary, the bourgeois leaders are a complete mediocrity, repudiated and rejected worldwide.

5- The Front for "Peace and Democracy"

The leaders of the World Counter-Revolutionary Front have failed in their attempt to stop the revolution with the policy of open political and military confrontation, which forces them to seek another policy. In this way, another counterrevolutionary policy has emerged in broad channels that seeks to try the same thing, but this time through deception and betrayal. With extraordinary speed, alongside Biden, Macron, Modi, Meloni, Kishida, Putin, or Xi-Jinping, there are a whole series of bourgeois politicians who propose a "progressive" policy.

The failure of the policy of the "stick" gives rise to the policy of the "carrot", with a general staff that launches anoppressive propaganda in favour of "peace", "democracy" and against "violence". It is a sector of the Counterrevolutionary Front that criticizes at the same time the "harshness" of Netanyahu and the "violence" of Hamas, and proposes an apparently "intermediate", "neutral" policy, whose central slogan is "peace" and "elections". This is the old "Front for Peace and Democracy" (FPyD) that emerged after the defeat of imperialism in Vietnam in the 1970s, which after the defeats in Iraq and Afghanistan has been renewed in the garb of the 21st century.

Now in its 21st century version, the main slogan of the FPyD is that "the right is coming". They propose that fascism, or the right, is coming, something that is totally false because for this to happen there must be a defeat of the working class and the people. But what is happening is exactly the opposite: we are living through a world revolutionary process, which is why the campaign that "fascism is coming" is a lie that seeks to justify the policy of support for capitalist and imperialist governments and coalitions such as the Democratic Party by Bernie Sanders, and Ocasio Cortez, Jeremy Corbyn and the British Labour. Pedro Sanchez, Olaf Sholtz, Podemos, Syriza, Melenchon, and their junior partners Lula, Ramaphosa, López Obrador, Petro, Boric, Maduro, etc. representing the bourgeoisies of poor countries. The FPyD incorporates into its ranks the churches headed by the Pope and the Vatican, as well as the remnants in crisis of the Second Social Democratic International.

The FPyD is also part of the remnants of Stalinism, which in its decomposition is incorporated into capitalist coalitions and governments or degenerates into brutal capitalist dictatorships as is the case of Cuba, China, or North Korea. The "Progressive International" (PI) is the backbone of the FPyD, and provides it with texts, scribes, and opinionologists integrating the trade union bureaucracies, the ex-guerrillas, and 99% of the so-called world "left". This "Front for Social Peace and Democracy" has become the most perfidious enemy of the workers and poor of the world.

Relying on these just aspirations, the FPyD proposes "truces" where the exploited go to civil war, "concertations" where the working class resists with strikes; "democratic openings" where the people are about to overthrow a dictator; "Forgiveness and forgetting" for those who tortured and murdered in the service of capital, "voting for progressive coalitions" in electoral farces, "pacifism" when armed civil war breaks out, and the peoples adopt self-defense. They propose the disarmament of the guerrillas so that they can organize themselves into "civilized" parties that do not threaten the power of the capitalists.

Since there is no worker or poor person in the world who does not want to live in peace and democracy, the FPyD uses the legitimate yearnings for peace and freedom by proposing agreements and pacts of all kinds with the supreme objective of saving the capitalist state, its regimes, and its governments from the onslaught of revolution. Revolutionaries systematically denounce the lies and farces of the FPyD, its deceptions, and tricks, to defeat its perfidious and treacherous policy, fighting so that the peoples and valuable activists of the world do not fall under the siren songs of its deceptions.

6- A World Political Revolution

But in spite of all these deceptions, a veritable global political tsunami is hitting all the old parties and leaderships of the mass movement. The peoples and activists of the world turn their backs on the old currents, parties, and leaderships because they no longer believe in them, and reject them. Social democracy in all its variants, classical Stalinism and its Maoist, Castroist, Guevarist variants, etc., bourgeois nationalist movements such as the PRI, Peronism, APRA, Nasserism, former guerrillas such as Sandinismo, Farabundo Marti, etc., all directions that were once attractive to millions of activists around the world, today are sinking into a deep crisis as a result of the rejection and repudiation they suffer for their betrayals.

We call this global "earthquake" of the people's rejection of all the old parties and leaderships a "political revolution." This concept was first formulated by Leon Trotsky in 1936, when he argued that in order to recover the "revolution betrayed" by the Stalinists, a revolution was necessary to overthrow the Stalinist leadership that had taken over the leadership of the Soviet Union. Later, this same concept was updated by Nahuel Moreno in 1958 when he formulated that the political revolution is a revolution that goes against Stalinism, but that also includes all the counterrevolutionary apparatuses and leaderships of the world.

The peoples of the world began to undertake the task of world political revolution with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, 35 years ago. This opened a new world stage of the class struggle, which went through 3 moments:

1. The beginning of the collapse of Stalinism between 1989-1999, and, as Nahuel Moreno foresaw, of all the counterrevolutionary apparatuses, the social democracy, the old bourgeois nationalist movements, etc.
2. Between 2000 and 2010 the political revolution "froze" when imperialism launched a global counteroffensive "against terrorism" and the invasion of Iraq. The defeat of the imperialist counteroffensive reopened the world crisis of capitalism, unleashed the revolutionary waves, and "thawed" the political revolution.
   
3. From 2010, when the political revolution "thawed", it began to sweep away the remnants of the great counterrevolutionary apparatuses, but also autonomism, Islamic fundamentalism, Castro-Chavismo, and even began to hit the parties of the Progressive International themselves.

As the world political revolution began to destroy Stalinism, it provoked an acute crisis in all the left organizations of the world that shared the policy, the theoretical-political formulations of Stalinism, and its strategy. The collapse of Stalinism drags with it all the parties and mass leaderships of the whole world, whose solidity and stability is in direct relation to the solidity and stability of Stalinism, as Nahuel Moreno explained: "... on a world scale, the solidity of the apparatuses that brake, betray and divert the revolutionary movements of the masses, whether they be social democratic, bourgeois nationalist, bureaucratic or Stalinist parties, is directly related to the solidity of the Stalinism of the Kremlin" (Nahuel Moreno - Leeds Thesis, 1958)

The process of world political revolution results in a weakening of the bourgeois-democratic regimes that are based on these parties and leaderships, in which the masses no longer believe. Thisprovokes a real political "earthquake", it makes the bourgeois-democratic regimes enter into crisis, sections of the masses do not turn out to vote and turn their backs on bourgeois elections, which is expressed in the "abstentionist wave" that is sweeping the world.

The peoples began to express their rejection of bourgeois democracybetween the end of the 2nd revolutionary wave, and the beginning of the 3rd wave, around the year 2021 when in high percentages the population did not turn out to vote, or voted null, or white. These percentages were growing in Venezuela, Italy, Brazil, Peru, Iraq, Chile, etc. or, as in the cases of the United States, in the case of Venezuela. In the U.S., and Mexico, abstention reached almost 50%. Some elections, such as the regional elections in France, abstention reached levels of 65.3%, historic ranges since General Charles de Gaulle founded the Fifth Republic in 1958.

The collapse of the political parties and organizations that were the leadership of the mass movement for decades has an impact on bourgeois democracy, because the bourgeois-democratic regime is based on bourgeois and reformist political parties. If those pillars collapse, the whole political regime collapses. The fact that the masses of the world have begun to turn their backs on the propaganda of the bourgeoisie and the reformist organizations is an advance of consciousness that puts the bourgeois-democratic regime in crisis, and strikes at all the political organizations that defend the bourgeois-democratic regime, especially the reformist organizations.

This crisis of bourgeois democracy provokes the emergence of very weak capitalist governments, elected by a very small percentage of the population, which must govern in the midst of a brutal crisis of capitalism, which causes a crisis and permanent fall of governments. At the same time, the FPyD's policy of "democratic reaction" is in crisis, because under the blows of the political revolution, bourgeois democracy has become a Pandora's box.

Even under the iron control of fraud, and the anti-democratic bourgeois electoral mechanisms, it can happen that a "nobody" wins the elections by surpassing the traditional parties, as already happened with Beppe Grillo, Meloni, Milei, Bolsonaro, etc. characters or "outsiders" who two years before becoming president were complete unknowns. In Spain, the result of the elections opened a political crisis, while in England, one of the countries with one of the most stable bourgeois democracies in history, it happened that during the year 2022 it had 3 presidents, in the midst of a brutal crisis of its economy, furrowed by strikes and workers' mobilizations.

Thus, "Political Revolution" is the struggle for a change in the leadership of the mass movement of the world, a crucial process in the battle for the resolution of the crisis of revolutionary leadership. The fact that the peoples of the world began to turn their backs on the bourgeois or reformist leaderships is an advance of consciousness that puts the bourgeois democratic regime in crisis, and strikes at all the political organizations that defend capitalism, as a result of which the political revolution has opened a serious crisis in the world left.

7- The World Crisis of the Left

A serious crisis is hitting all the left-wing organizations of the world. The leaders of 99% of the groups of the left have adopted a policy of integrating, supporting or calling for votes for capitalist governments and coalitions, including imperialist governments. The application of this policy of "class collaboration" or "popular frontism" means a break with the Marxist principle of class independence, which aggravates the crisis of the world left to unprecedented levels.

The Stalinist and social-democratic groups integrated into the FPyD collaborate publicly and shamelessly with capitalist governments and coalitions, placing ministers, advisers and deputies in these governments. The groups that claim to be Trotskyist are adopting the same course at full speed by integrating capitalist coalitions, or calling for a vote for them. With this 'policy of class collaboration', the leaders of the groups of the 99% of the world left are publicly betraying the peoples of the world.

This betrayal provokes a serious process of regression and disintegration of all the left-wing organizations in the world, which results in the fact that today there are noleft-wing organizations that grow or become stronger. On the contrary, the panorama is one of the non-existence of a world pole that organizes and attracts the world's activists, a product of the serious process of dispersion and dissolution of all the leftist organizations in the world, without exception.

In turn, the rupture with the Marxist principle of class independence leads to the rupture with all principles. Ninety-nine percent of left-wing groups no longer support the revolutions of the world, with all kinds of excuses. They refuse to support the liberation revolution of the Ukrainian people, objectively placing themselves on the side of Putin's criminal invasion. In Palestine theyrefuse to support the military action of the Palestinian militias, calling for "peace". Sectors of the world left raise the slogan "neither Hamas, nor Netanyahu" placing an equal sign between the Nazi state of Israel and the armed movement of the oppressed peoples.

The majority of the global left accepts the occupation of Palestine, supporting the "Two States" policy of imperialism. Thus, by refusing to support the armed uprisings of the peoples in various ways, 99% of the world left abandons proletarian internationalism. 99% of the global left no longer defends the political prisoners, nor the persecuted of the world, they refuse to demand the Freedom of Julian Assange, they refuse to defend the Freedom of 19 in Colombia, and they refuse to raise campaigns for the most elementary democratic rights.

Let us look at the panorama of the course to the right of the leaderships of the groups that claim to be Trotskyist. In the U.S., as a result of the global process of political revolution as well as the shift to the left of sections of the mass movement, there is the resurgence of a new activism that seeks Marxist and socialist ideas. Butthis activism comes up against the reality that99% of the American left supports, integrates, and calls to vote for Biden's imperialist government, in a public way.

Among the many expressions of the shift to the left of the masses in the United States has been the explosive growth of theDSA (Democratic Socialist of America), which forms the basis of the Progressive International (PI). DSA is today the most important left-wing organization in the U.S. It is part of the imperialist Democratic Party and has candidates on its lists. The role of DSA is to act as a decompression valve for the political regime, diverting the workers' and people's ascent towards the dead end of reformism.

From Jacobin Magazine, DSA provides a constellation of opinionologists, and paid charlatans who work to inform the reformist strategy and support for "progressive" capitalist governments around the world. The goal of IP, DSA, and Jacobin Magazine is to abort and sterilize any radicalized current that emerges in order to prevent the development of a revolutionary Marxist current independent of the state. But after the initial enthusiasm, because of its treacherous policy of support for the Democratic Party, the DSA has entered a serious crisis.

DSA suffers a collapse of its membership, the collapse of its finances, and a wave of layoffs of leaders and paid political cadres. The crisis in DSA drags down all the opportunist currents that have joined it such as Solidarity which responds to Mandelism, Socialist Alternative (SA) headed by Seattle councillor Kshama Sawant, Tempest, Red Star, Bread and Roses, Reform & Revolution, Marxist Unity Group, the Socialist Majority, etc. All these sectors betray the American people by supporting the imperialist Biden government, and capitulate to U.S. imperialism. They lie to activism by presenting themselves as "Marxists."

In Europe, the New Anti-Capitalist Party (NPA; Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste) of France, whose historical leadership split the party to support Jean-Luc Mélenchon's capitalist coalition. The outbreak of the NPA is the end point for the Mandelist experiment that has begun a serious disintegration. The SWP of England, the current of Joseph Choonara and the economist Michael Roberts founded by Tony Cliff, collaborates with regional and local capitalist governments in Germany by belonging to the broad party "Die Linke", which has governed German cities and towns, in defense of German imperialist capitalism.

In England, boththe British SWP and thegroups coming from the "Militant", the CTI of Peter Taafe and the IMT of Alan Woods have supported the bourgeois "progressive" sectors led by Jeremy Corbyn within the Labour Party in Britain, a party with a workers' and trade union base but with a bourgeois leadership that always defended the interests of British imperialism. Support for the likes of Corbyn, who is an official of the Progressive International, is a betrayal of the workers and people of Britain. At the same time, Alan Woods has made a shameful support for the government of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, which is public knowledge, a whole past of support for capitalist and imperialist governments that Woods wants to "erase" by calling now to form a "communist" current.

These currents, due to their adherence to the Decoupling Theory, are located in the field of defense against the aggression and invasion of Ukraine by Putin's government. Without exception, the SWP, the IMT, the ILC, and along with them groups from that tradition such as WSWS of the United States, acts in defense of the murderous Putin, supporting and justifying his invasion and aggression against Ukraine, which makes them spokesmen and appendages of a war criminal, in the name of Marxism.

In Brazil, Mandelism led by the MES, together with Valerio Arcary, and other groups such as the ISL of the MST of Argentina support and integrate the coalition of the capitalist government of Lula, in a frank and open policy of collaboration with the capitalist government of Brazil. The IWL-CI of the PSTU of Brazil, campaigned to collect signatures in support of the capitalist candidate Francia Márquez, current vice-president of the capitalist government of Colombia, and supported in Chile the capitalist Constitution promoted by the capitalist government of Boric, which the Chilean people rejected.

He was also a member of Lula's capitalist coalition, the ITU, which is the SI of Argentina, and after having obtained seats and positions he left that coalition, the same as he did in Peru when he won seats after supporting the capitalist coalition Frente Amplio. This same group in Argentina called for a vote for the imperialist candidate of Peronism, Sergio Massa. The daily Left group, Argentina's PTS, voted 24 laws of Massa's capitalist government in Parliament, a policy of class collaboration that Massa publicly attacked on TV. It is the same policy of collaboration that other groups such as the PO of Argentina, or the New MAS of Argentina, also present, and it has become the central action of FITU of Argentina, increasingly integrated in supporting and sustaining the policy of Peronism.

The examples we have given are a synthetic example of the degree of decomposition that these currents are suffering in their policy of public support for capitalist coalitions and governments. As the crisis of the counter-revolutionary apparatuses and leaderships accelerates as a result of the tsunami of the political revolution, the self-described Trotskyist groups that act in collaboration with the old leaderships are hit by the tsunami. The political revolution ends up going against them, destroying them and disintegrating them, as they become more and more associated with the old leaderships.

The activists of the world, who once found in the left tools for struggle, now find a constellation of groups in crisis that support dictatorships, some of the most horrific regimes in the world such as the Communist Party of China, Cuba, or North Korea, which collaborate with capitalist governments. and that the only thing they care about is electoral intervention. This reality has unleashed a process of "global disillusionment" of the world's activists with the left, which includes the existence of valuable cadres who detach themselves from these currents in the search for Marxism, and a truly revolutionary leadership.

To counteract this "global disillusionment" of the world's activists, and the process of disintegration and dispersion that all these groups are suffering, they make a permanent call for the "unity of the left", a call that is stronger as the elections approach. We flatly reject all these hypocritical calls for "unity" because they are a trap. They are not called to support the revolutions of the world, nor to fight for a workers' government, but they are called to join their policy of support for capitalist governments. We reject this call that they constantly make in forums, meetings, congresses, debates, etc. that abound in the world, because it is not that kind of "unity" that we need, but the "unity" of revolutionaries, which we are going to develop later.

8- The Situation of Activism and

The world's vanguard

The waves and revolutionary processes that are developing in the 5 continents give rise to a litter of thousands of activists who develop in the union, democratic, feminist, racial, climate, national independence, sexual oppression, etc. Our policy is towards the broad masses, but with it we seek to win over this emerging world activism. and it is the vanguard of the revolution against capitalism. This activism provides the raw material for the construction of a revolutionary leadership.

There is a fundamental shift in the location of activism and the global vanguard between the 20th and 21st centuries. In the 20th century, in the context of the class struggle of the 40's, 50's, 60's, 70's afterthe end of the Second World War, the counterrevolutionary apparatuses, Stalinism, social democracy, bourgeois nationalist movements, etc., emerged with great strength. intellectuals, trade unionists, and the best of the world's avant-garde were then to be found within these organizations.

For most of the 20th century, the class struggle presented a very contradictory reality: On the one hand, and from the objective point of view, there were great revolutions such as the defeat of the Nazis, the Yugoslav revolution, the Chinese revolution, the Korean revolution, or Vietnam. But on the other hand, there was a great regression from the subjective point of view, from the point of view of consciousness: the great proletariats and the peoples trusted in the treacherous leaderships. The French Communist Party, or Italian, the CP's of the world were organizations with millions of members.

The workers proudly carried their Communist Party membership cards because they believed and trusted in Stalinism. The same was true of the Labour or Socialist parties, or the bourgeois nationalist movements that had millions of young and enthusiastic militants. Millionsbelieved in Stalin, Mao, Khrushev, Cardenas. Gandhi, Perón, Nasser, etc. This reality has completely changed in the 21st century.

In the 21st century, the thousands of activists emerging on 5 continents do not belong to social democracy, nor to Stalinism, nor to bourgeois nationalist movements, nor to guerrilla movements, nor to anything. It has sympathies for some leaderships but, with a few exceptions, the bulk of activists do not feel represented by any of these organizations. As a result of the treacherous politics of the old leaderships and 99% of the global left, activists and the vanguard do not see these organizations as attractive, nor do they consider them an option to organize. It remains independent, and outside of all these organizations.

Since the 21st century is the century of political revolution, it is the century in which thousands of activists develop outside the control of the old apparatuses, or even confront them. Stalinism, social democracy, the guerrilla movements or bourgeois nationalists have become empty shells, deserted apparatuses. And the best activists that emerge develop outside of these organizations. This necessitates a change in the orientation and policy of Trotskyists in the 21st century.

During the 20th century, as a result of the strength of the counterrevolutionary apparatuses, and the existence of thousands of activists in them, intense debates were formulated in the Trotskyist movement about what were the best tactics to link to this activism and win it to the positions of Trotskyism. Hence, there was a permanent debate in those years among the Trotskyist leaders around all kinds of unitary tactics: entryism, the workers' united front, the electoral front, unity of action, demands on the leaderships, the anti-imperialist united front, etc. were the privileged tactics of the Trotskyists in the twentieth century.

It was logical that this should happen because, in addition to the product of the counterrevolutionary policy of the leaderships, left wings emerged in these organizations that forced the Trotskyist militants to debate intensely how best to link up with them so that they would break with them and attract them to Trotskyism. Leon Trotsky had already formulated the tactic of entryism in the 1930s to seize the opportunities of the class struggle by taking advantage of crises and the emergence of left wings in the social democratic parties.

But in the 21st century, things have changed completely. At the same time, much of the old activism and vanguard has broken down and no longer believes in revolution, it is a social sector that today is a rearguard and is in the direction of the leftist groups. Its counterrevolutionary course is irreversible, so we can no longer expect anything from this sector.

This forces a change in the definition of priority tactics, for example, entryism can no longer be a privileged tactic today. We must not dismiss it, but it cannot be a priority given that the apparatuses are empty, or only full of careerists and functionaries, so that a Trotskyist militant has practically no one within these organizations with whom to dialogue. Unitary tactics are valid for mobilization,but even in the struggle the tactics of self-organization, self-defense, and self-determination are becoming more and more important, allowing the new leaders to develop more quickly to confront and overcome the old leaderships.

When it comes to the tactics for the construction of revolutionary parties, other tactics such as differentiation, delimitation, or the systematic and permanent denunciation of the capitulatory policies of the traitorous leaderships, and the 99% of the groups of the world left, begin to have increasing importance. That is to say, the weariness or disillusionment of world activism in the old leaderships, and 99% of the global left, requires the emergence of a clear alternative pole in defense of Marxism and its principles, so applying these tactics allows a revolutionary tool that is an option for global activism to begin to become visible.

9- We bring revolutionaries together to fight for the workers' government and global socialism

By breaking with Marxism, 99% of the world left has become a spokesperson for the charlatanism, verbiage, and stupidity launched by the think tanks and opinionologists of the UN and imperialism. They adopt "fashions" such as "Decolonial Theory", "Decoupling Theory", "Long Wave Theory", "Critical Race Theory", "Plurinational State Theory", "Bourgeois Feminism", etc. They have become a sewer that transmits to global activism all the prejudices, and verbiage of paid opinionologists, university bungling and think tanks Imperialist.

At the same time, as a result of the global disintegration, the leaders of 99% of the groups thatare powerless to stop the process of crisis, are desperately clinging to business to survive. They build cooperatives, in an unstoppable process of NGOization, and become increasingly dependent on the capitalist state, which has turned them into mere social democratic groups desperate for electoral office. These are groups that have been around for decades and have failed. With its disintegration, the moral, political, and social decomposition of its leaders advances.

But while this failed world left disintegrates, and decomposes, thousands of valuable and honest comrades continue to look for answers in Marxism. For these honest comrades from different traditions, the task of the international regroupment of revolutionaries is imposed. It is the number one task, of a strategic nature and vital to the battle to resolve the crisis of revolutionary leadership. We need to set the strategy starting from the analysis of the world crisis of Trotskyism, in order to fight for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International.

For this battle, which is strategic, our diagnosis is that the crisis of the Fourth International is of such gravity that in order to march towards its reconstruction a previous step is necessary, which is the Regroupment of the Revolutionaries. We need a base of militant cadres, groups and organisations that form a platform and starting point for the reorganisation of a Socialist International, which today does not exist. This step is fundamental in the strategic path of Reconstruction of the Fourth International. These steps we need to take are crucial.

We respect the different traditions from which the comrades come, but we don't lie about it. There is only one consistent revolutionary tradition, which was that of Nahuel Moreno, the others did not pass the test of history. We stand for "orthodox Trotskyism" and those who are close to our current, even if they agree on many aspects of our program, should know that Bolshevism and Trotskyism have a history, in which we are educated and trained. Nahuel Moreno's teaching is that without the struggle against revisionism, there is no Marxism, no Trotskyism.

Therefore, without a struggle against revisionism, and without denouncing the treacherous leaderships, there are no conditions to advance in the resolution of the crisis of revolutionary leadership. We don't come together to do Marxist propaganda, or Marxist universities, even though we take a lot of courses. And we do not come together to be mere activists, even if we promote mobilizations. We do not wantto propagandize Marxism, but to apply it. That is why the battle of the Regroupingof the Revolutionaries is the present task, without forgetting for a minute that, being the most important task of all, it is a tactic.

The Regroupment of Revolutionaries is a tactical step on the road to our strategy of rebuilding the Fourth International. To build Bolshevik parties for the struggle for power and workers' government. There are currents that affirm that the Fourth should not be rebuilt but "refounded", or built the Fifth International or something else. All of these statements are wrong. We ratify the strategy of the reconstruction of the Fourth International not on a whim, but out of scientific conviction. This is how Nahuel Moreno explains it: "... the founding of our International was the greatest success of Trotsky and of our world movement... It responds to the same need... to unite all revolutionary Marxists around a programme that would synthesize all that has been learned by the world Marxist movement...To defend these conquests of Marxism, synthesized in Trotskyism and its program..." (Nahuel Moreno- Update of the Transition Program- 1980)

Once the fundamental tendencies of the world situation, of the class struggles, and of the leaderships have been understood, the tasks of the Regroupment of Revolutionaries that we must carry out are tactics at the service of the strategy of reconstruction of the Fourth International. All the orientations that we carry out, and events, everything that we do, is at the service of building this pole of regroupment, an orientation that from this document we propose for its concretion.