Position of Marx Brazil in the first round of the elections: return to Marx so as not to be devoured


Bolsonaro and Lula lead the two capitalist coalitions that dispute the government in the next elections in Brazil

Marx Brazil Statement 7/8/22

Brazil in 2022 has, on the one hand, 62 multi-millionaire families and, on the other hand, 14 million unemployed, 38 million underemployed and 33 million hungry according to official numbers, although we believe that the 60 million who are in a situation of food insecurity should also be included in that amount. That reality is not a simple contrast, but the true portrait of the capitalist system, in which in order to exist multimillionaire families it is necessary to exploit the bodies of the working class to the last drop.

After two years of the pandemic, governments around the world have approved multi-million dollar financial aid for banks, with the intention of protecting the profit goals of large businessmen; in contrast to all that "largesse" to those at the top, there was no serious policy to feed the hungry or protect jobs. This at a time of global inflation! Now, even those who are employed find it difficult to pay basic bills during the month. The indebtedness of families is very high.

In this context of the decline of capitalism worldwide, Brazil is going through a clear process of deindustrialization. Between 2015 and 2020, 36.6 thousand factories were closed in Brazil, about 17 per day! Meanwhile, in 2021, the commodities traded by CITIBANK, one of the imperialist capitals that trade primary goods extracted from Brazil on the New York Stock Exchange, reached record prices.

Marx Brazil together with activists from indigenous peoples in the Justice for Phillips and Bruno activity, environmental leaders in the Amazon

The Brazilian bourgeoisie, which has no crisis or shame in being a minor partner of imperialism, accepted the path of transforming the country into a great exporter of primary products, condemning the Brazilian people to import industrialized products, increase unemployment and underemployment and reduce the salaries.

The expansion of agribusiness generates misery in the cities and violence in the countryside. 34 agrarian conflicts are registered per week, on average. Added to this is the devastating advance of the agricultural frontier in the lands of the native peoples and quilombolas, over biomes, rivers and aquifers. The assassinations of leaders in these conflicts are growing, proving that the national bourgeoisie is willing to massacre everyone and everything that gets in the way of its economic project.

And it is that Brazil of hunger, unemployment and misery that will be summoned again to go to the polls in October of this year. For the past four years, the country has been ruled by the military, represented by its pre-appointed Bolsonaro, a repulsive figure of fascist rhetoric. Bolsonaro does not hide that he governs for the most predatory sector of capitalism, supporting all agribusiness initiatives and handing over a large part of the public administration to the direct control of the military, who directly occupy 6,157 positions in the Executive Power, including also the management of companies. such as Correos, Telebras, Petrobras, Dataprev, Amazul, Imbel, etc.

The bourgeoisie placed Bolsonaro and the Armed Forces in the government, since repression is necessary to guarantee the project of super-exploitation of the working class such as the descent of Brazil in the world order of Capital. The presence of the military in the State expresses a Capital project to guarantee the security of its businesses in a turbulent historical time.

Due to the sum of the attacks of his neoliberal-dictatorial project with the pandemic and economic crises, it happened that the Bolsonaro government faced numerous street demonstrations, even during the critical moments of the pandemic. On several occasions, between 2020 and 2021, the possibility of the overthrow of Bolsonaro by direct action in the streets was raised. But, the so-called Brazilian "progressive left" once again betrayed the working class, paralyzing the mobilizations, and guaranteeing tranquility for the genocidal and corrupt Bolsonaro to fulfill his mandate, continue his daily attacks against our class and run for re-election in 2022, with the entire bourgeois state machine in their hands.

That action was millimetrically calculated to benefit Lula's candidacy. The PT managed to win over the population to trust in the electoral farce and believe that the vote cast in the polls is the only way out to defeat Bolsonaro's authoritarian project.

It is evident that the entire reformist left pins its hopes on the elections and calls on the workers to cast their vote in bourgeois alternatives. What is contradictory is that Lula (PT) and his deputy Alckmin (PSB) are supported by big financial capital and by broad sectors of the country's agribusiness, and are also direct candidates of the bourgeoisie.

The organizations that support and build Lula's candidacy do so without any criticism of the economic attacks that the PT governments have launched (and continue to attack in the states and municipalities) against the workers and are all accomplices in the PT's betrayal by preventing that the street demonstrations remove Bolsonaro from the government, or at least wall him in. They are accomplices in the demobilization of the working class today and also in its demoralization that will surely come when the character of the Lula government becomes clear, in the same way that happened in Argentina, Peru and Chile and later will be repeated in Colombia. The crime committed by these organizations is not episodic, it is historical. This is not a wrong tactic, it is a strategic action to lower the level of consciousness of the masses,

Contrary to what the sellers of illusions propagate, there is no possibility that a new Lula (PT) government will be at least equal to the governments of 2003 to 2014, because now the economic project of the bourgeoisie and the crisis of capital They do not even open space for the policies of social containment for workers, which characterized the first years of those governments.

A sector of the "reformist left" still justifies the vote for Lula (PT) in the first round of the elections as a vote in defense of the democratic gains in the country. This sector clearly ignores that Lula, as a good vassal of Capital, will not be ashamed to negotiate with the military and will keep a significant part of them in the leadership of the State.

It is necessary to remember that dark creatures such as General Heleno, General Mourão and Captain Tarcísio Freitas, now fellows, gained political life during the Lula government, in the shameful invasion of Haiti, as a US shock force against the country's workers who carried out the first Black Revolution in history. MINUSTAH, led by Brazil, left a trail of massacres, sexual abuse and anger in Haiti. General Heleno returned from Haiti with at least 60 civilians killed in the Cité Soleil favela massacre, without ever having been held accountable.


That is precisely why Lula, who has already betrayed the working class at various times, is not the answer to Bolsonaro's threats of a coup. On the contrary, Lula will accept all the blackmail from that military sector and will not be constrained to govern with those forces to implement a government that tramples on those who go to the streets against capitalist reforms.

Thus, the entire confrontation with the coup threats and the privileges of the military must be carried out in the streets, with a broad unity, the discourse that guides blindly trusting the vote to stop the most nefarious sector of capital being criminal.

The elections, especially in the period of crisis, function as a smoke screen that hides the most important thing: the political means that the bourgeoisie will adopt to contain the popular demands. For this reason, the bourgeoisie finances various candidates to ensure that the government they will assume will support their interests.

We, militants of Marx Brazil believe that, first of all, the dispersed fighters should be unified on common points expressed through a revolutionary candidacy, that is, unified through a candidacy that is not to sell illusions about the "possibilities of to govern in capitalism", but rather a candidacy that calls for defeating Bolsonarism in the streets now and beyond the elections, that calls for an alliance between the workers of the city and the countryside, between the exploited and oppressed (blacks, indigenous, LGBTs, women, immigrants, etc.) to fight against hunger, unemployment, racism, machismo, lgbtphobia, against militias in poor neighborhoods, against agribusiness and mining militias, against large foreign mining companies that devastate the Amazon.

In the scenario of the elections next October, we understand that there are three candidacies that do not represent the bourgeois sector (UP, PCB and PSTU/Polo Socialista). Although there are divergences between these organizations, our opinion is that they could and should have presented a single candidacy, to defend a program of class independence for workers. But these organizations, which are already so small, opted for the dispersion of forces and for self-construction alone, instead of unifying the non-Lulista left and building a unity of action to face the attacks that will surely come from a future government. Lula.

This being the case, among these alternatives, we chose to call a vote on the candidacy of Vera Lúcia of the PSTU because, among those, it is the candidacy that, although marginally, dialogues with more organized sectors of the working class. However, our vote is not uncritical, on the contrary. In our opinion, the so-called Socialist and Revolutionary Pole is nothing more than a leftist front of small organizations, made up only of the PSTU and its fringe, and exclusively oriented towards the elections, when it could be the electoral expression of a specific unit in the struggles before and after the elections. Unfortunately, the PSTU, a group around which the Pole orbits, has avoided carrying out this historic task,

In addition, we do not agree with all the candidacies of the so-called Socialist and Revolutionary Pole because we understand some of them as not only non-revolutionary candidacies, but also counterrevolutionary. A shameful example is that of the Holy Spirit, where the Socialist Pole presented a Captain of the Military Police as a candidate for the position of Governor, a true aberration, expressing a setback in the understanding of the nature of the role of the forces of repression in the capitalism, especially in a country marked by the savage, racist, sexist and LGBTphobic actions of the police, especially the Military Police, in working-class neighborhoods.

In these elections, despite calling for a critical vote in Vera Lúcia, the program that we at Marx Brazil present and defend will be our program: a socialist and revolutionary program to dialogue with formal and precarious workers, calling for real unity in the streets, in the struggles, in the factories, in the villages and quilombos, in the occupations of the countryside and the city, on the asphalt and in the favela, to defeat the bourgeois project of misery, hunger and death in Brazil and in the world.